iftltwT m I* A M^'.'''i* mm; ^ PEINCE CHAELES AND THE SPANISH MAKEIAGE. 1G17-1623. VOL. II. PEINCE CHAKLES THE SPANISH MAEKIAGE: 1617-1623. A CHAPTEK OF ENGLISH HISTORY, FOUNDED PEINCIPALLY UPON UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS IN THIS COUNTRY, AND IN THE ARCHIVES OF SBIANCAS, VENICE, AND BRUSSELS. BY SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER, AUTHOR OF THE " HISTORY OF ENGLAND FROM THE ACCESSION OF JAJIES I. TO THE DISGRACE OF CHIEF JUSTICE COKE." IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. n. LONDON : HURST AND BLACKETT, PUBLISHERS, 13, GREAT MARLBOROUGH STREET. 1869. Tht Hight of Translntion is JlfKuveit, \I.O LONDON ; BRADBTTRV, EVANS, ANL. CO., PRINTERS, WHITEFRIARS. CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME. CHAPTER VII. THE JURISDICTION OF PAELIAMENT- MAY-FLOWER. ■THE VOYAGE OF THE 1621. Sentence upon Micliell Refusal of fresh subsidies . The patent for alehouses condemned . Rash language of Yelverton . He is called to account by the House of Lords Quarrel between Arundel and Spencer . Debate on Yelverton's case . Yelverton's sentence .... Proclamation against freedom of speecli Gondomar insulted in the city Floyd sentenced by the House of Commons Their jurisdiction disputed . Floyd sentenced by the Lords Cases of Field and Bennett . Question of adjournment or prorogation The last sitting of the Commons . The Commons' declaration . Adjournment of the Houses. Bacon's imprisonment and release Degradation of Michell Arrest of Southampton, Sandys, Seldeu, and Oxford Williams becomes Lord Keeper . General liberation of prisoners Laud made Bishop of St. David's VOL. ir. PAGE 1 2 o O 4 G 7 8 9 10 11 12 li 16 18 19 20 22 23 24 25 27 29 30 VI CONTEXTS OF CHAPTER YU.—icoiiiimed.) 1C21. Abbot's accidental homicide Cranfield raised to the peerage . Proclamation against monopolies 1593. The early separatists .... 1C04. The congregation at Amsterdam . 160G. Emigration of the Gainsborough congregation 1G03. Clifton at Babworth .... Robinson at Norwich .... 1G06. The Scrooby congregation . 1008. Emigration to Holland 1617. They determine to take refuge in America 1619. Patent from the Virginia Company 1G20. The departure from Ley den The passage to Southampton The sailing of the May-flower Arrival at Cape Cod . The instrument of government Exploration of Cape Cod The search for a home The landing at Plymouth . 1 021 . The return of the May-flower Prospects of toleration in England Robinson and Selden . PAGE 31 32 33 34 36 37 38 40 41 43 45 47 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 57 59 GO 61 CHAPTER YIII. LORD DIGBY'S EMBASSY TO VIENNA 1620. Germany after the Battle of Prague Frederick's flight .... 1621. The ban pronounced against him Mission of Sir E, Villiers . Frederick at Segeberg .... The Danish loan Frederick's refusal to go to the Palatinate Pacific tendencies of Spain . ]\Iorton at Heilbronn .... James and the Dutch Commissioners . The expiration of the trace of Antwerp Digby at Brussels .... Death of Philip III Dissolution of the Union . Proposal for the transference of the Electorate Nethersole sent to England . Mansfeld in Bohemia .... Soldiers of the Thirty Years' War Mansfeld in the Upper Palatinate Digby's instructions .... 63 66 67 69 70 71 72 74 75 76 77 79 80 81 83 84 85 86 88 89 THE SECOND VOLUME. Vll CHAPTER Yin.— (continued.) 1621. Preparations of Mansfeld and Jtigerndorf Digby's arrival at Vienna . Opening of negotiations Ferdinand determines to treat Policy of the new Spanish Government. Death of the Archduke Albert Peace endangered by Frederick . Frederick in the Dutch camp Pawel at Vienna .... The truce broken by Vere . Digby's new plan Invasion of the U]3per Palatinate Meeting between Digby and Mansfeld Conquest of the Upper Palatinate Spanish objections to the transference of the Sir E. Villiers at the Hague Digby at Heidelberg .... Mansfeld in the Lower Palatinate Mansell's attack upon Algiers The blockade of the Flemish ports Cranfield Lord Treasurer Lafuente's mission to Eome Meeting of the Houses Freedom of debate .... Debate on foreign affairs Eesolution to grant a supply Pym's speech in the Committee on Eeligion The petition on religion Gondomar's interference The King's letter to the Speaker . Explanatory petition .... The King's answer .... Debate upon it Liberty of speech .... Elizabethan precedents A protestation suggested by TVentworth Another letter from the King Coke supports Wentworth's proposal . The protestation of the Commons The protestation torn out of the journals by Gondomar's triumph . Lnprisonment of members . 1G22. Dissolution of Parliament . Digby's vexation . • Comparison between Digby and Gondomar Electorate James PAGE 92 93 94 95 97 98 99 100 101 103 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 115 117 119 120 121 122 129 130 13i 136 137 139 140 142 143 144 145 146 147 148 152 153 154 155 156 157 Vlll CONTENTS OF CHAPTEE IX. THE CONFERENCE AT BRUSSELS. 1G22. The blockade of the Flemish ports . . . . The scheme for an attack on the Dutch Eepiiblic revived Oxford in command in the narrow seas ]\Iarriage of Elizabeth Norris The bargain for York House Buckingham reconciled with the Howards The conference between Laud and Fisher Early history of De Dominis His visit to Eugland .... He returns to Rome .... The civil war in France Doncaster's mission .... The French privateers .... The armies in the Palatinate A fresh benevolence .... Tom Tell-Truth Knight's sermon at Oxford . Condemnation of Pareus's Commentaries Terms accepted by Frederick Mansfeld in Alsace .... Chichester's mission .... Schwarzenberg in England . Ferdinand's intentions Mansfeld's intrigue with Eaville . Tilly's position in the Lower Palatinate Frederick joins Mansfeld . Mansfeld takes the field Tilly's victory at Wimpfen . Weston opens negotiations at Brussels The seizure of the Landgrave of Darmstadt Mansfeld driven back to Mannheim Chichester's arrival in the Palatinate His diplomatic failure . Battle of Hiichst . Vere's position at Mannheim Fresh discussions at Brussels Frederick retires to Sedan . The projected Assembly at Eatisbon Zufiiga's compromise adopted by the of State Hyacintho at Madrid . Digby's return to Spain Plans of Zufiiga .... Digby's interview with the Infanta Spanish Council PAGE 160 IGl 162 163 164 167 168 170 172 174 177 178 170 181 182 183 184 185 186 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198 200 201 202 203 205 206 208 210 211 214 215 216 217 219 THE SECOND VOLUME. IX CHAPTER lX.—{miimued.) 1622. Gondomar leaves En.o-land Decision taken at Madrid to enforce a suspension of arms Sequestration of the fortresses proposed at Brussels Mansfeld in Lorraine Indignation of the Emperor Weston's demand for a suspension of arms . The Battle of Fleurus Rejection of Weston's demand .... Close of the Conference PAGE 220 221 222 223 225 226 227 229 230 CHAPTER X. THE MISSION OF ENDYMION PORTER. 1622. State of public opinion in England The directions to preachers . Release of Catholic prisoners Liberation of Coke, Phelips, and Mallory Gage's instructions from the Cardinals . His reception in England . Buckingham's letter to Gondomar Hopelessness of James's position . The fall of Heidelberg The siege of Mannheim Chichester at Frankfort Buckingham declares for war Character of the Prince of Wales . He promises Gondomar to visit Madrid Proposes to send Porter to prepare the way Deliberations of the Privy Council James's letter to the Pope . Cottington's return from Spain . Orders carried by Porter Buckingham eager for war . A Spanish fleet in the Channel . Zuiliga's death ..... Olivares succeeds to his position . Bristol's confidence in Philip's intentions The Infanta Isabella instructed to intervene in James favour ...... Chichester's recall .... Porter's arrival at ]\Iadrid . Fall of Mannheim .... Refusal of the Infanta Isabella to carry out her in structions Character of the Infanta ]\Iaria . Her aversion to the marriage Philip directs Olivares to put an end to the treaty 232 233 235 236 237 239 240 243 246 247 248 250 251 254 255 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263 264 266 267 269 271 272 273 274 276 X CONTENTS 01' CHAPTER X.— {continued.) PAGE 1622. Scheme proposed by Olivares 277 Its rejection by the Council of State .... 279 Revisal of the marriage treaty ..... 280 Evasive answer about the Palatinate .... 281 1623. The revised treaty accepted by James .... 283 1622. James adopts the proposal for sequestrating Frank- enthal 284 Difficulties of the neutral Protestants in Germany. . 285 Mansfeld in East Friesland 286 1623. Frederick's appeal to the Elector of Saxony . . . 287 His Electorate conferred upon Maximilian . . . 289 Frederick's objections to the sequestration of Frank- enthal ......... 291 Settlement of the East India disputes .... 293 Conway succeeds Naunton as Secretary . . .295 CHAPTER XI. THE JOUENEY TO JIADRID. 1623. Project of Charles and Buckingham It is communicated to the King . Buckingham's preparations . The Prince's journey . Dismay in England Outcry against Buckingham Arrival of the Prince at Madrid . Expectations of Olivares Interview between Charles and Philip Attempts to convert the Prince . Bristol asks Charles what his intentions are Charles's removal to the palace . Fresh demands of Olivares . Pastrana's mission to Rome. Anxiety of Olivares about the Palatinate Continued resistance of the Infanta to the marria; Attempt to convert Buckingham . The Prince's visit to the Infanta . The dispensation granted .... The Prince takes part in a religious discussion The Prince's chaplains sent out . Arrival of the dispensation at Madrid . Quarrel between Buckingham and Olivares . Charles's offers refused by the Council of State The Junta of Theologians .... Charles makes fresh offers .... Dismissal of his retinue .... The two favourites 297 298 301 302 303 304 305 306 309 311 312 313 315 319 320 321 323 324 327 329 330 331 332 333 334 336 337 339 THE SECOND VOLUME. XI CHAPTER XI.— {continued.) PAGE 1C23. Charles declares his intention of returning to England . ' 340 He gives way, and promises to remain . . . .341 Charles's correspondence with the Pope . . . 342 Decision of the Theologians that the Infanta must be detained for a year ....... 343 Fresh discussions 344 Preparations in England .for the reception of the Infanta ......... 347 James eno-acres to confirm the articles . . . .351 Attempts of Charles to obtain better terms . . . 352 He again declares that he must go back to England . 355 But changes his mind and agrees to everything . .356 James hesitates to take the oath to the secret articles . 357 Advice of "Williams ....... 358 The oath accepted by the Council . . . .360 The ceremony of swearing to the treaty . . . 361 Explanations given by the King 363 Letter attributed to Abbot 365 The sequestration of Frankenthal . . . .367 The treaty for the suspension of arms rejected by Frederick . . . . . . . .368 Christian of Brunswick's defeat at Stadtloo . . .371 Frederick signs the treaty 372 Dunkirk vessels blockaded in Scotland . . .373 Seizm'e of a ship at Cowes by the Dutch . . . 374 Destruction of the Dunkirk vessel at Leith . . .375 Excuses of the Prince of Orange 376 Eenewal of the scheme for the partition of the Nether- lands ......... 377 Compromise with the Dutch ..... 378 The Dunkirk vessel convoyed from Aberdeen . .379 The fight at sea 380 The Dunkirker convoyed to Mardike . . . .381 CHAPTEPt XII. THE BREACH WITH SPAIX. 1623. Additional articles presented to Charles . . . 382 Olivares persuades the Infanta to accept the marriage . 384 Charles signs the marriage contract .... 385 Continues to hope that he will bring the Infanta with him • . 386 Buckingham's insolence ...... 387 His interview with the Infanta ..... 389 The fleet leaves England 390 A pardon and dispensation promised to the recusants . 391 The agreement made at Salisbury . . . .392 xu CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME. CHAPTER Xll.— {continued.) PAGE 1(523. James orders his son to return 393 Charles agrees to be married and remain till the spring 394 Sir E. Verney's assault upon a priest .... 395 Charles makes up his mind to go . . . .396 Discussions on the disposal of the Palatinate . . 398 Resolution of Olivares adopted by the Council of State . 399 Bristol's opinion of the proposal 401 Production of Philip's letter by Olivares . . . 405 Charles swears to the contract 407 Takes leave of Philip 400 Coolness of his feelings towards the Infanta . . . 410 His apprehension that she will go into a nunnery. . 411 He sails from Santander .413 Bristol's report of the Infanta 414 Delays in issuing the pardon and dispensation . .417 Manoeuvres of Williams 419 The Prince's arrival 421 His meeting with his father 422 The Spanish plan for the pacification of Germany. . 423 Liberation of the priests 424 Bristol denies that the Infanta will become a nun. . 425 James orders the postponement of the marriage . . 427 Charles's letters to Bristol and Aston .... 428 Frederick gives an evasive answer about his son's marriage with an archduchess 430 Philip's declaration about the Palatinate . . .431 Bristol complains of his orders to postpone the marriage 432 James's anxiety 434 The accident at Blackfriars ...... 435 Buckingham's report to the Committee of the Council . 436 James sends fresh orders to postpone the marriage . 437 Charles remonstrates with Bristol .... 439 Bristol's resolution to proceed with the marriage . . 440 Arrival of the Pope's approbation .... 443 A better answer about the Palatinate promised . . 444 The marriage postponed ...... 445 Philip summoned to restore the Palatinate . . . 446 Philip refuses to arm against the Emperor . . . 447 The Spanish terms laid before Frederick . . . 448 He refuses them 450 The crisis comes at last 451 Parliament summoned and Bristol recalled . . . 452 Bristol's character and policy 454 1624. Offers made him by Olivares 457 The marriage treaty at an end 458 PEINCE CHARLES AND THE SPANISH MARRIAGE, CHAPTER VII. THE JURISDICTION OF PARLIAMENT — THE VOYAGE OF THE MAYFLOWER. Unconscious of their high destiny, and utterly un- Ch. yii. embarrassed by any theories about their constitutional leai. position, the Commons steadily pursued the course upon May 4. which they had entered, and continued to strike at Sentence practical abuses. The day after judgment had been mIcLu. delivered in the case of the late Lord Chancellor, they were summoned to the bar of the Upper House to hear ]\IicheU sentenced to degradation from the order of knighthood, to imprisonment during the King's pleasure, to a fine of lOOOZ., and to perpetual exclusion from public office.* Not many days before, a fresh case of corruption had April 24. been laid before the Lords. It had been proved, to the J]J|^^J»^ gj^. satisfaction of the Commons, that Sir John Bennett, the j?Benuett. Judge of the Prerogative Court, had abused the oppor- tunities afi'orded by his jurisdiction, to extort large sums from those who had, in due course, applied to him for letters of administration.! With these vigorous proceedings the King had no reason * LonlJ Journals, iii. 89, 95, 108. t Proceedings and Debates, i. 233, 241, 256, 279, 297. Lord^ Journals, iii. 87. VOL. n. B EXAMINATION OF YELVERTON. Ch. VIT. 1621. April 21. The King's dis- pleasure. April 24. The Com- mons give way. April 18. Yolvertoii blames the King. April 24. The King demands James, as soon as lie heard what had passed, showed every sign of vexation. It was strange, he said to Cran- field, who was fast rising into the position of a medium between the Crown and the Commons, that the House could not remember what he had said till the sun had gone once about. Cranfield did what he could to pacify him. The House, he replied, had done nothing but what was for his Majesty's honour. James told him that he thanked them for that, but that he mshed they would not be so careful for his honour as to destroy his service. He would not have the referees questioned, unless it could be shown that they had been influenced by corrup- tion. Any man was capable of making a mistake. With consummate tact the Commons retreated, with- out loss of dignity, from the position which they had assumed. They examined Mancleville's certificate in favour of the patentees, and, afibcting to be thoroughly satisfied with it, passed on to inquire into the conduct of the patentees themselves. Yet it was soon evident that there was no serious intention of prosecuting the matter further. The ofienders were released on bail. They were examined by a committee, and a report was presented to the House. It was then ordered that the Cjuestion should be taken into consideration at a future day, and the matter was allowed to drop.* Another difiiculty, which arose about the same time, was less easily settled. On the 1 8th of April, Yelverton was, by the King's permission, fetched from the Tower and examined in the House of Lords upon his knowledge of the circumstances attending the grant of the patent for inns, and the patent for the manufacture of gold and silver thread. Smarting under his imprisonment, he let fall some rash words about his own punishment. If ever, he said, he had deserved weU of his Majesty, it was by his conduct in the affair of the patent for inns ; and yet his behaviour on that occasion had been the cause of his present suff*eriiig.t If James had been displeased \\T.th thf Commons for then attack upon MandeviUe, he was furious with the * Proceedings and Debates, i. 308, ii. 52. t Lords' Journals, iii. 77. HIS ATTACK UPON BUCKINGHAM. 5 Lords for permitting siich words to pass in silence. He ^^- ^ ^^- fancied that lie saw in tlieir conduct evidence that they i62i. were ready to welcome an assault upon Buckingham. He April 24. went down at once to the House, gave his own account ^^f^^^^^ of Yelverton's proceedings, and called upon the Peers to question- punish him for the slander.* ^^■ Yelverton's spirit was now fully roused. Standing at April 30. bay, he refused to explain away his words. He had done ^J^J^^^^Jg*"" his best, he said, to stop the proceedings in the Exchequer Bucking- against the offenders who had kept open their inns in ^'^"'• defiance of the patent. It was for this that he had been threatened with the ill-will of the all-powerful favourite, who stood "ever at his Majesty's hand, ready to hew him down." Mompesson had brought threatening messages, telling him that, if he did not take care, he would run himself upon the rocks, and that, unless he supported the patent, he should not hold his place for an hour. " My Lord," it had been said to him, " had obtained it by his favour, and would maintain it by his power." Yelverton then turned fiercely upon Buckingham. " How- beit," he said, " I dare say if my Lord of Buckingham had but read the articles exliiljited in this place against Hugh Spenser, and had known the danger of placing and displacing officers about a king, he would not have pursued me with such bitterness." t At this daring outburst, cries were heard on every side, bidding the speaker to hold his peace. But Buckingham, who was always more ready to bear down opposition than to silence it, bade him haughtily to proceed. " He that will seek to stop him," he said, " is more my enemy than his." After some interruption, Yelverton was permitted to go on, and concluded by asserting that he was ready to prove all that he had said. J As soon as the prisoner was removed, Buckingham rose again. Yelverton, he said, had objected to the proceedings in the Exchequer, and his ol^jections had been accepted by the King ; but he had originally as- sented to them, for the sake of his fee of ten shilfings * Lords' Journals, iii. 81. Salvetti's News-Letter, -^^f' t Lords' Journals, iii. 121. . i Elsing's Notes, April 30. INTERVENTION OF THE KING. Ch. VII. 1621. April 30. Question between the King and the Lords. May 8. Debate on Yelver- ton's case. upon each case. As for the charges against himself, he threw himself upon the House ; but he must beg their lordships to remember that Mompesson, who was said to have carried the message, was absent, and could not be examined. After some further conversation, Yelverton was recalled to be further questioned upon his conduct relating to the patent. As soon as the examination was at an end, Buckingham moved that he might be committed a close prisoner to the Tower for his reflection upon the King's honour, in declaring that he had allowed Eoyal authority to be usurped by a subject. Against this proposal South- ampton protested. He was supported by Say, who pointed out that the words had been spoken, not against the King, but against Buckingham. The House finally decided upon sending Yelverton back to the Tower, with- out mentioning; the cause of his committal.* The next day a message was brought from the King. He had naturally been provoked by a comparison which implied a parallel between himself and Edward H., and by the suggestion that he had inflicted punishment upon Yelverton merely for his refusal to follow Buckingham's caprices. At Buckingham's request, he said, he should leave the insult which had been directed against his lordship in the hands of the House ; but he should him- self take care to vindicate his o\^ti honour. Such a message, no doubt, seemed simple enough to James. But there were some among the Lords who replied that the " King had no right to take out of their hands the judg- ment of a fault which they were still engaged in investi- gating. In spite of the opposition of Buckingham and the Prince, these objections prevailed, and a remonstrance was drawn up to beg the King to leave the whole matter to the House. Before this remonstrance James gave way, and signified his intention of leaving Yelverton entirely to the Peers, t I It can hardly admit of a doubt that there were many " amongst the Lords who took an ill-concealed pleasure at this attack upon the favourite. But Yelverton's un- * Elsing's Notes, May 2. t Lords' Journals, iii. 104, 114. Arundel's attack upon spexcer. guarded speech had put him completely at the mercy of ^h- ^^^^- the Court, and it was impossible to vote for his acquittal i62i. without entering into a direct conflict with the Crown, May 8. Yet, even under these circumstances, a scene occurred which betrayed for a moment the passions which were smouldering beneath the surface. The notes of Yelver- ton's attack upon Buckingham were read, and a cfaestion was raised whether he should be heard in explanation of his words. ■''^ Arundel rose to dissuade the House from Quarrel hearing the prisoner anyfrn^ther. We have his words, he Anmdel said, and nothing more is necessary. In itself such a and doctrine was not likely to meet with acceptance amongst ^^^^^^' the opponents of the Court, and it was specially unpa- latable as coming from one who, as the representative of the Howards, might well seem to have strayed from his natural position in swelling the ranks of the supporters of the favourite. The feeling of the popular party was fehcitously expressed by Spencer. He was surprised, he said, to hear such a doctrine from the Earl of Arundel, for he remembered that two of his ancestors, the Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of Surrey, had been unjustly con- demned to death without a hearing. Stung by the retort which he had called down upon himself, Arundel sprung to his feet, " My Lords," he replied, with all the haughty insolence of his nature, " I do acknowledge that my ances- tors have suffered, and it may be for doing the king and the country good service, and in such time as when, perhaps, the Lord's ancestors that spake last kept sheep, "t An insult so uncalled for was received with a storm of reprobation on all sides. Suffolk attempted to interpose. He was even more nearly related than Arun- del to those of whom Spencer had spoken, and he truly said that he thouo-ht that he had heard nothino- but what was to their honour. The Prince then stepped forward, and demanded the adjournment of the House. For more than a week no further reference was made to the affau', and time was given for the angry passions which had been excited to calm down. Yet even then Arundel's indomitable pride was unconquered. To the House, he * Lords' Journals, iii. Ill, 115. Elsing's Xotes, May 8. t Words spoken in the House, May 8. S. P. Dom. cxxi. 15. 8 . ARUNDEL SENT TO THE TOWER. Ch. VII. said, lie was ready to apologize. To Lord Spencer he had 1621. nothing to say. He persisted in his refusal, and was sent ]\iay 17. as a prisoner to the Tower, from which he was only Arundel released at the special request of the King, and upon an to™ ^ engagement from the Prince of Wales that he would see Tower. ^ reconciliation effected between the two peers."' In the May 12. meanwhile Yelverton's case, which had been interrupted ^h Th ^^°° by Arundel's unseemly attack upon Spencer, had been Teiverton brought again before the Lords. On the 12th of May, heard IS to be Buckingham moved that the House should proceed at once to censure him for his insult to the King. Again voices were raised, demanding that he should first be heard in his defence. Bishop Morton attempted to me- diate. " The words," he said," were scandalous, whatsoever their meaning was. But let us hear what meaning he places on them himself." Against the suggestion thus made, Arundel, who had not yet been sent to the Tower, rose defiantly. " Sir Henry Yelverton," he said, " is not judged unheard. He spake the words openly in this House. He had time to exj^lain himself, and his speech we have in writing." But neither Arundel nor Bucking- ham was able to carry the House with him on such a question as this. The Lord Treasurer and the Arch- bishop of Canterbury joined in protesting against a doc- trine that an accused person was not to be heard in his own defence. Dorset, Suff'olk, and Southampton followed in their wake. At last, in order to satisfy the exi- gencies of the King, it was agreed that the words spoken touched the King's honour as the House did " yet con- ceive." No final judgment was to be passed on them till the prisoner had been heard, f May 14. Accordingly, on the 14th, Yelverton was brought to the heliT ^'^ bar to answer for himself. Unable to off"er any legal proof that Mompesson had not invented the messages * Chamberlain to Carleton, May 19, June 9. S. P. Dom. cxxi. 44, 88. 18 Salvetti's N^ews- Letter, May — . It is worth while to compare this story as told at the time, with that which has been adopted by subsequent writers from Wilson's history. Wilson makes Spencer follow Arimdel with an imaginary speech, " When my ancestors were keeping sheep, yoius were plotting treason," omitting all reference to Spencer's real words. Both the letter and the spirit of the narrative are thus entirely sacriiiced. t Elsing's Notes, May 12. SENTENCE UPON YELVEETON. • 9 wliich lie had brouglit from Buckingliam, lie was reduced ^^- ^ ^^- to explain away his words as best he might. There must i62i. have been many present who felt that the spirit of his May i6. accusation was true. But there was no evidence before f^^^^^^^ them to show that it was literally true, and the Lords did not venture, perhaps did not wish, to cast upon the King the stigma which would be implied in a dismissal of the • charo-e. Yelverton was accordingly declared to have attacked the honour of the King. With regard to the words spoken against Buckingham, the House was less unanimous. All were willing to declare them to be scan- dalous, but a minority, we know not how large, nor of whom it was composed, protested against declaring them to be false.'" The prisoner was then sentenced to pay ten thousand marks to the King, and five thousand to Buck- ingham— to be imprisoned dming pleasure, and to ask pardon for his ofience. By Buckingham this result was regarded in the light of a personal triumph. He was now, he was heard openly to boast, "Parliament proof." With that magnificent display of generosity which he knew well how to assume towards a beaten adversary, he at once remitted his share of the fine, and the Prince was requested by the House to express a hope that the King would be equally merciful.t Not only had the favourite succeeded in bringing his C'l^^Tges own bark into smooth waters, but he had carried his irucki ins:- brothers with him into a safe harbour. With the aban- JlJ^jf^j.^ donment of the enquiry into the patent for ale-houses, the with- charge against Christopher Villiers fell to the ground, and '^^''^^^'°' Sir Edward, who had lately returned from his mission to Germany, was allowed to take his seat in the Commons without further molestation, though he prudently declined to avail himself of the permission till the storm had completely blown over.ij: Seldom has the unfitness of the Lords to act as a judi- i^ii)orty of cial body been more clearly brouglit out than in the * Elsing's Notes, May 14, 15, 16. t Lords' Journals, iii. 123, 124. CbamLerlain to Carleton, May 19. S. P. Bora. cxxi. 44. + Lords' Journals, iii, 76. Proceedings and Debates, ii. 3. speech. 10 FREEDOM OF SPEECH. ^^- ^^^^- treatment wHicli Yelverton received at their hands. No 1621. real attempt was made to sound to the bottom that evil system of which Yelverton's hints had disclosed the abysses. No attempt was made to define the law which limited the free expression of oj)inion on the actions of persons in authority. It was enough that he had uttered or impHed a condemnation of the King's proceedings ; and even those who believed that what he said was true, shrunk from pronouncing a sentence in his favour. Yet in truth, though much may be done by the substi- tution of trained and independent tribunals for a body composed, like the House of Lords, of men either depend- ent on the Court, or influenced by their own pohtical feelings, the fault did not lie entirely with the composi- tion of the tribunal by which Yelverton was tried. It is only when the great truth that liberty of speech is a good thing in itself has sunk deeply into the national con- science, that such scenes as those which attended Yelver- ton's condemnation become impossible, and unhappily the Peers did not stand alone in their ig-norance of this corner- O stone of freedom. Procia- During the early years of James's reign, indeed — ^a/ust except when actual treason was supposed to have been free committcd^ — little had been heard of penalties for words speec . spoken or printed on political subjects. The times were quiet, and there was no general inclination to take part in the quarrel which divided the Crown from the House of Commons. But with the attack upon the Palatinate, all this was changed. The nation was resolutely bent upon following one fine of policy. The King was no less reso- lutely bent ujDon follomng another. Hard words were spoken everywhere, if not of the King himself, of the King's ally, the King of Spain ; and these words some- times found their way into print, or into those sermons which, in those days, had a real political importance. Dec. 24, James was sorely initated. Of the real benefits of free- dom of utterance he knew as little as any of his contem- poraries. He issued a proclamation forbidding men to speak on State affairs.'"" Scot, the author of the clever * Proclamation, Dec. 24, 1G20. ,Sf. P. 7)om. clxxxvii. 87. 1620. GONDOMAR AND THE APPRENTICES. 1 1 pampUet, " Vox Populi,"^'" was forced to save himself by ^^- ^ ^^- flight.f Dr. Everard, a London preacher, was summoned i62i. before the Coimcil, and was committed to the Gatehouse, January: for inveighing in a sermon against the Spanish cruelties scot,'' in the Indies.:]: But the case which most justly attracted i^T-J^*^', public attention was that of Dr. Ward, of Ipswich, a man of considerable reputation as a preacher, who possessed the unusual accomplishment of ability to express his thoughts \vitli his pencil as well as with his pen. He had siaich. lately put forth his skill as a caricaturist upon a picture which Gondomar had been able to represent as an insult to his master. On one side was to be seen the wreck of the Armada, driven in wild confusion before the storm. On the other side was the detection of the Gunpowder Plot. In the centre the Pope and the Cardinals appeared in consultation with the King of Spain and the Devil.§ Ward paid for his indiscretion by a short imprisonment, followed by an inhibition from preaching any more at Ipswich, By the people he was regarded as a martyr, and a story was freely circulated, telling how in reality he owed his punishment to the manly stand which he had taken against the election of a Papist as a knight of the shire for the county of Suffolk, || The invariable correlative of restraint upon speech is insult to licentiousness of action. The re]3ression to which James Goudomar. had subjected the spirit with which Enghshmen were almost universally animated, only caused it to bm-st out in irregular channels. As Gondomar was one day pass- ing down Fenchurch-street, in his litter, a saucy appren- tice shouted after him, " There goes the Devil in a dung- cart." Stung by the taunt, one of his servants turned sharply upon the offender. " Sir," he said, "you shall see Bridewell ere long for your mirth." " What," was the reply, " shall we go to Bridewell for such a dog as thou '? " Suiting his action to his words, the lad raised his fist, and knocked the Spaniard into the gutter. The ambassador * Vol. i. p. 394. t Chamberlain to Carleton, Feb. 3, Locke to Carleton, Feb. 16. /S. P. Bom. cxix. 64, 99. % Mead to Stuteville, March 10. Harl. MSS. 389, fol. 37. § Description of Ward's Picture, Harl. MSS. 389, fol. 13. II Mead to SUiteville, Feb. 24. Harl. MSS. 389, fol. 21. Petition of Ward, May 31. ,S'. P. Dom. cxxx. 127. 12 FLOYD BEFORE THE COMMONS. Ch^JI. 1621, April. April 30. Floyd insults Frederick and Elizabeth. May 1. appealed to the Lord Mayor for justice, and he, sorely against his wiU, sentenced the apprentice and his compa- nions who had supported him, to be whipped through the streets. That an Eno;lishman should be flogo-ed for in- suiting a Spaniard was intolerable to the London popu- lace. A crowd soon gathered round the cart, the youths were rescued, and the officials whose duty it was to carry out the sentence were themselves driven away with blows. Gondomar once more complained to the Lord Mayor, but the Lord Mayor, who in heart sympathized with the offenders, drily informed him that it was not to him that an account of the government of the city was to be rendered. James was next appealed to, and at once responded to the appeal. He came down in person to Guildhall. If such things were allowed, he said, he would place a garrison in the city, and seize its charter. The end of the affair was tragical enough. The original sen- tence was carried out, and one of the apprentices died under the lash.* The feeling of indignation with which James's one-sided severity was received spread to higher regions. Chafing under the self-imposed silence which had for many weeks restrained their tonsfues from even mentioninoi: the name of the Palatinate, the Commons were in a temper to catch eagerly at the first opportunity which offered itself, to give vent to the thoughts which were burning within. It was not long in coming. An aged Koman Catholic barrister, named Floyd, who had been imprisoned in the Fleet by the Council, had been guilty, as the House was informed, of the heinous offence of rejoicing at the news of the battle of Prag-ue. " Goodman Palsgrave and Goodwife Palsgrave," he had been heard to say, " were now turned out of doors." At another time he had argued that Frederick had no more right than himself to the Bohemian Crown. Witnesses were called to prove the truth of the story. Floyd denied that he had ever said anything of the kind. The next day, however, addi- tional witnesses corroborated the statements which had been previously made. Floyd persisted in his denial. * Meddus to Mead, April 6. Mead to Stuteville, April 7. Earl. MSS. 389, fol. 50, 48. Council Register, April 2. EXASPERATION OF THE HOUSE. 13 Then followed a scene, tlie like of which has seldom Ch. Vll. "been exhibited in an English Parliament. Phelips pro- I62i. posed that Floyd should ride with his face to the horse's May i. tail fi'om Westminster to the Tower, bearing on his hat a Exaspera- paper with the inscription, " A popish wretch, that hath commons. mahciously scandalized his Majesty's children," and that lie should then be lodged in the horrible dungeon appropri- ately kno^^^l as Little Ease, " with as much pain as he shall be able to endure without loss or danger of his life." Ter- rible as Phelips's suggestion was, it was not harsh enough for his hearers. All consideration for the rights of free speech, all thought of proportioning the punishment to the offence, was lost in the whirlpool of passion. A few words by Roe and Digges, not on behalf of Floyd, but on behalf of the Lords of the Council, who might resent any attempt to meddle with their prisoner, were,followed by an immediate explosion. " If we have no precedent," said Sir George More, " let us make one. Let Floyd be whipped to the place from whence he came, and then let him be left to the Lords." " Let his beads be hung about his neck," cried Sir Francis Seymour, " and let him have as many lashes as he has beads." Sir Edward Giles hoped that he might be pilloried- at Westminster, and whipped. SirFrancisDarcy was not content unless he might be twice pilloried, and twice whipped. Each member, as he shouted out his opinion, was more savage than the last. Let a hole be burnt in his tongue. Let his tongue be cut out. Let him be branded on the forehead. Let his nose and ears be lopped off. Let him be compelled to swallow his beads. Another memljer, with cruel irony, added that he had wished to recommend the hea\4est possible punishment, but that, as " he perceived that the House was inclined to mercy, he would have him whipped more than twice as far as those who offended against the ambassador." At this stage John Finch, the future Lord Keeper of Charles L, attempted to interpose. The House, he said, had no evidence upon oath upon which to act. This reasonable suggestion was scouted by Walter, whose conduct on this day is the strongest evi- dence of the criminal follies into which even an lionour- able man may ftdl, in times when the principles upon 14 Ch. VII. 1621. May 1. Sentence upon Floyd. May 2. Objections of the King. Hesitation of the Commons. FLOYD SENTENCED BY THE COMMONS. which freedom and morality rest, have not yet been engraved upon the public mind. " Let Floyd's lands and goods," he said, "be given to raise a force to recover the Palatinate. Let him be whipped for laughing at the loss of Prague, thereby to make him shed tears." Alone amongst the popular party, Sandys, the veteran champion of liberty, showed some glimmerings of sense. The real cause of Floyd's offence, he observed, was the difference in religion. If in his punishment his religion were touched, he would be looked upon as a martyr. Nor was it proper to whip a gentleman. This was not much to say. But it had its effect. All thought of branding and whipping was relinquished. Yet the poor old man, who had committed no real crime, was sentenced by the House to be pilloried three times, to ride from station to station on a bare-backed horse with his face to the tail, and a paper on his hat explaining the nature of his offence. Lastly, he was to pay a fine of 1000/.'" When the members came down to take their places for the next morning's sitting, it was with the full expecta- tion that they would be able to feast their eyes upon the sufferings of Floyd as they passed through Palace Yard. Nothing of the kind however was to be seen. They were told by the Chancellor of the Exchecper that the King had commanded him to thank them for their care of his honour, and then to ask them two questions. Could they show that they had authority to inflict punishment upon anyone, who, not being one of themselves, had neither offended against their House nor against any of its mem- bers ? And if they could satisfy him on this point, would they inform him how they could condemn a man who denied his fault, without being able to take evidence on oath against him ? A record was then handed in, from which it appeared that in the reign of Henry IV. the Commons had acknowledged that they had nothing to do with sentencino; offenders. Now that the excitement had passed off, there were few whose opinion was worth anything who did not know that the assertions implied in the King's questions were unanswerable. For it was certain that over Floyd * Commons^ Journals, i. 601. Proceedings and Debates, i. 370. THEIR JURISDICTION DISPUTED. 15 the Commons had no jurisdiction whatever. In fact, ^^- ^ ^^- earher in the session they had, in dealing with Mom- i62i. pesson, expressly renounced the right which they had May 2. now intemperately assumed. Noy, whose authority stood high on such questions, after denying the supposed right of the House, " moved for a committee to search for pre- cedents. Even this was more than Hakewill was willing to concede. It would, he said, be entirely useless. He had himself searched diligently for such precedents, and he was certain that none were to be found. Coke, who had been absent the day before, and who knew perfectly well what the law was, now interfered. He had no wish to bolster up an indefensible position, but he feared lest, in its recoil from a post which had been found to be un- tenable, the House might surrender claims which were fairly its own. The literal sense of the record presented to them would, he showed, debar them from scrutinising even the conduct of their own members. But they were not bound to acknowledge its force. It was no act of Parliament. " Let his tongue cleave to the roof of his mouth," he ended by saying, in his magisterial way, " who says that this House is no Court of Record. Though we have not the power of judicature in all things, yet we have it in some things." * The only question which remained was, how to recede with dignity. It was finally decided that the King should be asked to put the sentence in force by his own authority, but that he should be told at the same time that the Com- mons did not consider themselves bound by the record which he had produced. Such a solution could not be satisfactory to anyone. In askingr the King to confer by '^^^y ^■ 1- "^ 'i- ^• T^ • 1- 1 4- Negotia- his mere prerogative validity upon an invalid sentence, ^-^^^ ^^.^^^ the Commons were asking him to put forth powers the King which in another cause they would have been the first L^rfi^. to dispute. After some further negotiation, James signi- fied his intention of leaving the matter in the himds of the Lords. Accordingly the Lords, as a preliminary to their investi- gation of the matter, proceeded to clear up the question of jurisdiction. At a conference held on the 5th of .May, * Covimons' Joiniials, i. 603. Proceedings and Debates, ii. 5, 13. 16 THE COMMONS GIVE WAY, Ch. VII. 1621. May 5. May 16. The Commons give way. May 26. Floyd sentenced by the Lords. Doctrine finally adopted on the ju- risdiction of the Lords. Coke had much to say on the right of the Commons to j)umsh offences which affected their own House, but had nothing better to say about Floyd's case than that the words against the Electress " were sjDoken against the :ciembers of the House of Commons; for a daughter is part of her father, and the King is ever inteijded to be resident in that House." The result of the discussion was the accej^tance by both sides of a declaration, which, under cover of leaving the law precisely as it stood before Floyd's name was mentioned, virtually gave the victory to the Lords.* As far as the poor wretch who was the unwilling subject of the dispute was concerned, it would have been better if he had been left to the tender mercies of the Commons. The Lords, probably to show that they had no kindly feeling towards Papists, raised his fine from 1000/. to 5000/.,Kieclared him an infamous person, whose testimony was never to be received in any court of justice, ordered him to be imprisoned for life, and to be whipped at the ctirt's tail from London Bridge to Westminster Hall.l It was no merit of the peers that the whipping was remitted by the King at the instance of the Prince of Wales. Strangely enough this abominable sentence was, at least according to the doctrine which has been ultimately adopted, as unconstitutional as that which had been pro- nounced by the Commons. For the Lower House did not think it consistent with its dignity to j)refer a defi- nite charge against Floyd at the bar of the House of Lords, and, ever since that evil day on which, surrounded by a band of armed satellites, a misguided Sovereign at- tempted, against the express will of the Commons, to drag the leaders of the Long Parliament to a trial before the Peers, it has passed into a political axiom that, except in matters in which the privileges of their own members are concerned, the Lords can only exercise criminal juris- diction upon the presentment of the House of Commons. | * Commons' Journals, i. 604, 608. Lords' Journals, iii. 119, 124. Proceed- ings and Debates, ii. 15, 19, 29. t Lords' Journals, iii. 134. J Hale, Jurisdiction of the Lords, 95. See, for Floyd's case, Hargrave's 1 preface to this work, xvi. THE RIGHT OF IMPEACHMENT. . 17 Such a doctrine, indeed, may be supported by arguments ^^- ^'^'^- far stronger than those which the lawyers of the seven- i62l teenth century derived from the analogy between the May 26. functions of the House of Commons and the functions of a grand jury ; for, by requiring the co-operation of two in- dependent bodies, it went far to lessen the chances of hasty and passionate injustice. But however the evil might be mitigated, it was none the less distinctly an evil, only to be tolerated because at the beginning of the seventeenth century the remedy would have been worse than the disease. For, however advisable it might be that poli- tical prosecutions should be conducted before judges and not before a political body, there were no judges in ex- istence to whom the duty of conducting such trials could safely be entrusted. Revocable at the pleasm^e of the Crown, and since the overthrow of Coke, having the pro- spect of dismissal ever dangling before their eyes, the majority of the judges could not, as long as human nature is what it is, be impartial in such matters. If it was a bad thing that a court should be guided by its political sympathies like the House of Lords, it would have been far worse to trust questions of high political importance to a court warped by self-interest like the King's Bench or the Common Pleas. Nor were there wanting other reasons to justify, at least for the time, the renewed claim of Parliament to exercise jurisdiction over state offences. The time had come when the nation was beginning to watch with a jealous eye the conduct of the high officers of state. The time had not yet come when a vote of its representatives would be sufficient to remove them from office. It was only by the fear of a criminal charge that they could be in any way controlled, and no tril)unal of less authority than Parhament could deal with them at all. It was by giving us at once a body of independent judges, and a House of Commons which was strong enough to control the Executive Government, that the Revolution of 1688 virtually put an end to parliamentary impeachments.* . The case of Warren Hastings is an exception, which proves the rnle, — a question of Indian, not of English government. The idea of impeach- ment has lately become again familiar to us from the events passing in VOL. II. ^ * as 18 CONDEMNATION OF VARIOUS PATENTS. Ch. VII. 1621. May 30. Cases of Bishop Field ; May 31. and of Sir J. Bennett. May. Several patents con- demned by the Commons. The Lords had still two cases to dispose of. With the Bishop of Llandaff they dealt mercifully. It was proved that he had taken from Edward Egerton a recognizance for 6000^. upon a promise to do his best to procure for him the good will of the Chancellor. But the money had never been paid, and no service had been rendered in return. Such arguments w^ould have availed Floyd but i little. But a member of the House of Lords was not! likely to appeal to the peers in vain. They contented themselves with handing over the offender to the Arch- bishop of Canterbury, w^ho promised to admonish him publicly in convocation. He did not, however, take the admonition seriously to heart, for the first thing that he did after the Houses ceased to sit was to implore Buck- ingham to promote him to a better bishopric* Sir John Bennett was still to be kept in suspense. Time would not allow a complete investigation of his case, and he was released on bail, with orders to prepare a reply to the depositions against him.| Whilst the Lords had been mainly occupied with judi- cial business, the other House had not been idle. Patents for the sole engrossing of wills, for the levying of light- house tolls, for the importation of salmon and lobsters, for the making of gold leaf, and for the manufacture of glass were voted to he grievances. A monopoly bill had been passed by which the decision of the question, whether the protected manufacture was a new invention or not, would from henceforth be left to the ordinary tri- bunals. There had been long and anxious debates upon the alleged decline of trade, which seems to have been suffering temporarily from the effects of the war in Germany, and many rash and unwise restrictions were proposed in a vain hope . that, with their aid, commerce might be restored to a flourishing condition. There had been an attempt also to set on foot an inquiry into the state of Ireland, which had been promptly checked by America. There, too, the question would never have been raised, if the con- stitution had provided any ordinary means by which the representative body could control the executive. * Field to Buckingham, June (?). Harl. MSS. 7000, fol. 57. t Lords' Journals, iii. 143, 148. ADJOURNMENT OR PROROGATION 1 19 the King, who hehl that this was a subject with which ^^- ^^I- he was himself perfectly competent to deal. i62i. On the 28th of May, however, in the very midst of May 28. theii- toils, the Commons were startled by a royal message The King directing them to bring their labours to an end wdthin adjoum- a week. The gentry, they were told, were wanted in ™^^*- their own neighbourhoods ; the lawyers were wanted in AVestminster HaU. Yet the House need not fear that their time had been wasted. There should be no proro- gation to compel them to recommence their work at their next meeting. There would be a simple adjournment, and they would thus be able to resume their business at the stage at which they had left it. The House was taken by surprise. There could be little doubt that more was intended than had been said. It may be that James was nettled at the contemptuous silence with which his demand for a fresh subsidy had been met, and with the pretensions of the Commons in their claim to jurisdiction over Floyd, or that he. wished to hinder any renewed legislation upon recusancy. Rumour, too, was busy in bringing to his ear news of the proceedings of the opposition party in the Upper House. Their ill-will against Buckingham, it was told, had not relaxed, and suspicious meetings had been held at Southampton's house in Holborn, to which meml)ers of the House of Commons had been invited. It was even said that a scheme had been concocted for diverting future subsidies from the Exchequer, by sending them over directly to the fugitive King of Bohemia.* In vain the Commons appealed to the Peers to aid ^^'^y -^■ them in obtaining a change in the King's intentions, of'a prmo- All that James allowed the Lords to say was, that g^itiou. if the Lower House ^dshed to get ready a few bills by the end of the week the King; would give his assent to them, an act which, according to the notions of the day, * Compare the examinations in the Appendix to Proceedings and Debates, with a letter by AsUey to Buckingham, May 12. Cabala, 2. How any one, in the face of this letter, can 'maintain that Buckingham had taken part, except fitom timidity, in the overthrow of Bacon, I am unable to understand. c 2 The last sitting. 20 ILL-FEELING IN THE COMMONS. ^°- ^^^- would bring the session to a close, thus involving a 1621. prorogation instead of an adjournment.* May 29. Sucli an offer, in truth, was entirely illusory. There Dissatis- ^^s not time to ffive a thorouo;h discussion to the bills iROtlOIl ot the Com- upou wliicli the Commous had set their hearts. The °'*^^^- statement made by the Lords was received with open discontent. Tongues were loosed which had for four months been placed under strict restraint. " The country," said Sandys, "is in a dangerous state. Our religion is rooted out of Bohemia and Germany. It will soon be rooted out of France." He then moved that nothing more should be done that day. Their hearts, he said, were full of grief and fear. Perhaps time might temper their passions. Cranfield then tried to speak, but the house refused to listen to him, and Sandys's motion was adopted. May 30. Eeflcction in this case did not bring a change of mood. The next morning Ph clips painted in mournful colours the evil estate of religion abroad and at home, and urged that one more appeal should be made to the House of Lords, The Lords listened, but could give no hope what- i ever of inducing the King to prolong their sittings. They would do what they could. They would agree to the passing of an act declaring that, in this case at least, the royal assent to a few selected bills should not prevent the resumption of business, when they next met, at the stage at which it had been left. But the Commons would not hear of such a compromise. To an offer made by James to close the session after prolonging their sit- tings for a week or ten days, they were equally deaf. There was no time, they thought, left to do anything worthy of the name of a session. They would prefer the adjournment which had been originally proposed.| June 4. Yet the last advances of James towards the Commons had not been wholly thrown away. Their temper had been ruffled, but only for a moment. They resolved to : return thanks to the Kino; for his offer of an additional week.| At their last sitting they listened with evident * Proceedings and Debates, ii. 118. Lo7-ds' Joiirnals, iii. 140. t Proceedings and Debates, ii. 121 — 159. Lords' Journals, iii. 148, 153. + Proceedings and Debates, ii, 161. I PROPOSED DECLARATION. 21 satisfaction to Cranfield's assurances that .the burdens ^h- ^H- under which trade was suffering shoukl have the imme- i62i. diate attention of the Government. June 4. There were those, however, present who felt that this was not a fitting conclusion to the labours of the House. In the stormy discussions of the past week words had again been heard on that subject which the vast majority of the members had most deeply at heart, but they had not been always spoken wisely. For three months the House had disciplined itself into silence, by its earnest determination to act if possible in unison with the King. Carried away by the feelings of the moment, Sandys and PL clips had let fall expressions by which Gondomar might be led to imagine that England would no longer present an united front to the enemy. A few moments only now remained to wipe away such a mistake as that. Accordingly, whilst there was yet time. Sir John Perrot rose, in the midst of a discussion upon the mode of levy- ing customs at the ports. It was Perrot who, at the commencement of the session, had moved that the Com- mons should partake of the Communion together as "a means of reconciliation," and as "a touchstone to try their faith."'''' In a similar spuit he now addressed them. The Permt's House, he said, had shown itself careful of the ports ; ^^°^^°^- but there was something still more necessary, namely, to provide for that port Avhich would be the surest resting- place, and which would procure for them a perpetual rest when the merchandise, trade, and traffic of this life would have an end. True relisiion must be maintained. Aljroad it was in sad case. At home it was in danger. At the beoinnina; of the Parliament the King had cle- clared that if the Palatinate could not be recovered by treaty, he would adventure his blood and life in its cause. Let them therefore, before they separated, make a public declaration that, if the treaty failed, they would upon their return be ready to adventure their lives and estates for the maintenance of the cause of God and of his Majesty's royal issue. When Perrot sat down it was evident that he had "^^. , . reofived touched the right chord in the hearts of his hearers, withaceia- luutiou. * Commons' Journals, i. 508. 22 ADOPTION OF THE DECLARATION. Ch. VII. " Tins (leclaration," said Cecil, " comes from Heaven. 1621. It will do more for us than if we had ten thousand June 4. soldiers on the march." The motion was put and assented to amidst universal acclamation. " It was entertained," says one who took part in the scene,* "with much joy and a general consent of the whole House, and sounded forth with the voices of them all, withal lifting up their hats in their hands as high as they could hold them, as a visible testimony of their unanimous consent, in such sort that the like had scarce ever been seen in Parlia- ment." t The Com- A Committee was at once appointed to prepare the ciaration' declaration. In a few minutes its work was clone. " The Commons assembled in Parliament," so ran the manifesto, " taking into consideration the present estate of the King's children abroad, and the general afflicted estate of the true professors of the same Christian religion professed by the Church of England and other foreign parts ; and being troubled with a true sense and fellow-feeling: of their dis- tresses as members of the same body, do, with one unani- mous consent of themselves and of the whole body of the kingdom whom they do represent, declare unto the whole world theii' hearty grief and sorrow for the same ; and do not only join with them in their humble and devout prayers to Almighty God to protect his true Church, and to avert the dangers now threatened, but also Avith one heart and voice do solemnly protest that, if his Majesty's pious endeavours by treaty to procure their peace and safety shall not take that good effect he desireth, in the treat}- whereof they humbly beseech his Majesty to make no long delay ; — that then, upon the signification of his pleasure in Parliament, they shall be ready to the utter- most of their powers, both with their lives and fortunes, to assist him ; so as, by the Divine help of Almighty God, who is never wanting unto those who, in His fear, shall undertake the defence of His own cause, he may be able to do that by his sword which by peaceable courses shall not be effected." Adjourn- Again, when the declaration had been read, the hats * Edward Nicholas. t Proceedings and Debates, ii. 170. ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSES. 23 were waved IiIq-Ii in the air. Ao-ain the shouts of accla- Ch. Vll. mation rang out cheerily. Perrot had been just in time, i62i. The messeno;ers from the Lords were at the door to notify June 4. the King's order to adjourn to the 14th of November, mentof The Commons answered that, according to custom, they would adjourn themselves. Before the motion was put, Coke stood up, and with tears in his eyes, repeated the prayer for the Eoyal Family, adding, as he finished it, " and defend them from their cruel enemies." For a time the work of the House of Commons was at Eeriew of an end. Complaints had been heard that the long months pa^ of the of labour had produced nothing with which the consti- session, tiiencies could be reasonably satisfied. With the excep- tion of the act hj which the subsidies had been granted, not a single bill had been passed. So far as legislation was concerned, monopolists were as safe as ever. The claims of the prerogative were as undefined as at the com- mencement of the session. Yet the Houses had not sat in vain. They had rescued from oblivion the right of impeachment, and had taught a crowd of hungry and unscrupulous adveutm-ers that Court favour would not always suflice to screen them. They had made judicial corruption almost impossible for the future. Yet the hiohest of their achievements had not been of a nature to be quoted as a precedent, or to be noted down amongst the catalogue of constitutional changes. Far more truly than anv member of that House dreamed, a crisis had come in which Protestantism was to be tried in the balance. There was a danger greater than any which was to be dreaded from the armies of Spinola or the policy of Maximilian, a danger lest moral superiority should pass over to the champions of the reactionary faith. And it Avas at such a crisis that the Enolish House of Commons O placed itself in the foremost ranks of those who were helping on the progress of the world. Cecil spoke truly when he said that their declaration would do more good than if ten thousand soldiers had been on the march. It showed that James and Frederick and John George were not the utmost that Protestantism could produce ; that it had given birth to men who might be ignorant of much, but who were steeled with the armour of 24 bacon's release from the tower. Ch. VII. 1621. June 4. James ac- cepts the declara- tion. Bacon's iinpi'ison- meiijt and release. self-denial and self-restraint, and who were willing to sacrifice themselves for the common cause. It was of no political advantage to England that they were dream- ing. They formed no schemes of national aggrandise- ment like Kichelieu, they cherished no personal ambition like Gustavus. They thought of the poor inhabitants of the Palatinate, of the Bohemian churches empty or profaned, of the silenced voices of the ministers of the gospel, and though they never more than half-trusted James, they had the penetration to recognise the fact that it was only under James's leadership that they could help in averting the catastrophe. And so they disciplined themselves into silence, and restrained their zeal, lest by a moment's ill-considered speech, they should alienate the man who alone was in a position to give effect to their wishes. They had done more than gain a victory. They had ruled their own sjDirits. Once more moral greatness was on the side of Protestantism. When James first heard that a declaration on the affairs of the Palatinate had been voted, he was much displeased ; but as soon as he read it, his opinion changed. He ordered it to be translated into the chief languages of Europe, in order that foreign nations might learn to respect the loyalty of the English people.* James was, no doubt, glad enough to regain his inde- pendence of action. No candid person will complain of his determination to moderate the harshness of Bacon's sentence. He was indeed far too indolent to set on foot on his own account, a thorouo-h iiivestimition of his late Chan- cellor's conduct. He probably thought, as every one else thought, that he was far more guilty than he really was. But the memory of old friendship and of years of de- voted service indisposed him to harshness. For some days after the sentence was pronounced. Bacon was allowed to remain unmolested at York House, out of consideration for his healt]!.! But before the Parliament broke up, he * Chamberlain to Carleton, June G. S. P. Bom. cxxi. 88. t On the 12th of May, Soirtham^rton reminded the Lords that Bacon had not yet been sent to the Tower, and " hoped that the world may not think our sentence is in vain ;" Buckingham replied that " the King hath re- spited his going to the Tower in this time of his great sickness." Elsing's Notes, May 12. tory of eury michell's degradation. 25 was conducted to the Tower.* It was never, however, Ch. Vll. intended that he should remain long a prisoner. A war- I621. rant for his release was sent to him with an intimation that he would do well not to use it till after the Houses had risen. So great, however, was his impatience, that June 2. he could not wait, and came away at once before the last sitting had taken place. Sir John Vaughan's house at Parson's Green was assigned him as a temporary resi- dence. As, however, the place was within twelve miles ' of the Coiu-t, he could not be permitted to remain there long. A little breathing-time was granted him to settle his affau's ; but on the 22nd of June, he was obliged, much June 22. against his will, to betake himself to Gorhambury.| Any other man would have been crushed by the blow His his- by which he had been surprised, and would have resigned Hm himself, at least for a time, to lethargy^ Bacon only saw ^'^i- in his exclusion from political life an additional reason for throwing himself heart and soul into other work. In less than five months after his liberation he had completed that noble history of the reign of Henry VII., which stands confessedly amongst the choicest first-fruits of the long harvest of English historical literature. Two days before Bacon's removal to Gorhambmy, the De^mda.- sentence of the House of Lords upon an ofi"ender of a Mid°eii very difi'erent kind was carried out. Sir Francis Michell was in due form degraded from knighthood. The spurs were hacked from his heels, the sword was l^roken over his head, and the heralds proclaimed to the applauding by- ! standers, that from henceforth he would be known as I "Francis MicheU, Knave." He was conducted back, amidst j the hootinojs of the mob, to Finsburv Gaol, from which, ! about a fortnight later, he was contemptuously set at liberty.! Not long afterwards, Mompesson's fine was granted to trustees, for the use of his wife and child. § * Cliamberlain to Carleton, June 2. S. P. Dom. cxxi. 69. t Cham])erlain to Carleton, June 9. S. P. Dom. cxxi. 88. Bacon to Buckingham, May 31, June 4, 22, .30. Works, ed. Montagu, xii. 490, xiii. 32, xii. 408, xiii. 6. The letter to the Prince, xiii. 31, dated on the Ist of June, was really, as Mr. Si^edding informs me, written on the 7tli. X Chamberlain to Carleton, June 23. S. P. Dom. cxxi. 120. Meddus to Mead, June 22. ^aH. ilf,S',S'. 389, fol. 96. Michell's ix'tition, June 30. S. P. Bom. cxxi. 135. § Grant to St. John and Hungerford, July 7. Sign Manuals, xii. 71. 26 UNEXPECTED ARRESTS. Ch. VIL 1621. June 16. Arrest of South- ampton, Sandj's, and S el- den. July 13. Impiison- ment of Oxford. Against sucli lenity as tliis to men, for whose faults the Government was more than half responsible, there would have been little to be said, if it had not been sharply con- trasted with harshness exercised in another direction. James had been deeply annoyed at the consultations wdiich had been held between Southampton and certain members of the Lower House, with the object, it was said, of opening direct negotiations with Frederick and Elizti- beth. On the 16th, Southampton, as he rose from the council-board, was ordered into confinement. On the same day, Sandys and Selden were arrested, the latter, though not a member of Parliament, having, it is said, given offence by an opinion delivered in support of the jurisdiction of the Commons over Floyd. Anything more impolitic it is impossible to conceive. At once a belief in the um^eality of the apparent concord between the Crown and the Lower House began to spread. A story was eagerly repeated that, when the searchers applied to Lady Sandys for Sir Edwin's keys, she had answered that she wished his Majesty had a key to her husband's heart, as he would then see that there was nothing there but loyalty. It was to no purpose that the world was carefully informed that the prisoners were not called in question for anything done in Parliament. Men shrugged their shoulders incredulously. The wildest rumours flew about. Coke, it was said, had been sent for. The Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Lich- field had been imprisoned. It was not long l)efore another nobleman shared in reality Southampton's fate. A year before, the Earl of Oxford had surprised all who knew him by leaving those dissipations in which his youth had been passed, for the sake of hard service under Vere in the Palatinate. But he did not remain long upon the Continent. In company with the more demure Essex, he hurried back, as soon as the summer was over, to take his place in the House of Lords, and he now thought himself justified by the very moderate amount of hardship w^hich he had undergone, in grumbling about the thankless reception which had been accorded to his services. One day he had inveighed over his wine against Popery and the Spanish match, and his words l3eing reported to the THE NEW LORD KEEPER. 27 Kino-, lie was placed under arrest/'^ James was suffi- ^^- ^^^- ciently vexed to issue a fresli proclamation " against ex- 1621. cess of lavish and licentious speech of matters of state/'f July. Fortunately for James there was one amongst those to Williams, whom he willingly listened, who was able to warn him Keeper; against the consequences of such blunders as these. Since he had warded off a breach with the Commons, Williams had found the King's ear open to him on all occasions. His first thought had been to claim his own reward. The see of London was vacant, and Williams lost no time in asking for it.:|: But, before his pretensions could be satisfied, a still more brilliant prospect opened itself before him. It was necessary to provide a successor to Bacon. Ley and Hobart had been pointed out by rumour as competitors for the office, but it was soon understood that the King's choice would rest upon Cran field. Be- fore, however, the selection had finally been made, it happened that Williams, who had learned many secrets as Ellesmere's chaplain, was consulted on a point of detail relating to the profits of the place, and that James was so struck with the ability of his reply, and wdth his thorough knowledge of the suliject, that he at once de- clared that he would entrust the great seal to no one else.§ It is true that Williams was a clergyman only in name, and that he was not likely to be tainted with those faults by which so many ecclesiastical politicians have been ruined. Yet any sovereign who in our days should be guilty of such a choice, would justly be regarded as insane. For the last two centuries the equity adminis- tered in the Court of Chancery has been growing up into a body of scientific jurisprudence, which can only be grasped by those who have received a special legal train- ing. It was far otherwise at the commencement of the seventeenth century. It was the business of C^hancery to supply a correction to the highly artificial rules of the * Examinations. App. to Proceedinqs and Debates. ]\redihis to Iklead, .Tune 22. Mead to Stuteville, June 23. Had. MSS. 389, Ibl. 96, 98. Chamber- lain to Carleton, June 23, July 14. S. P. Dom. cxxi. 121, cxxii. 23. t Proclamation, July 26. *S'. P. Dom. clxxxvii. 95. t Williams to Buckingham, April (?). Cabala, 374. S Racket's Tdfe of Williamiij 52. 28 WILLIAMS IN OFFICE. Ch. VII. Common Law, and until tlie time came for the growth of 1621. a better and more coherent system, it was sufficient that July. the Chancellor should be possessed of a mind large enough to grasp the general principles of justice, and quick enough to apply those principles to the case before him. He would bear, in fact, very much the same relation to the other judges, which is in our day borne by a Secretary of State to the permanent officials of his department. Such a man, when he is first appointed, knows less of the details of busi- ness than his subordinates ; but he brings to its transaction a mind less trammelled by routine, and therefore more open to the admission of new and enlarged conceptions, and Bishop As might havc been expected, many objections were "i*-" "■ raised against the King's choice. " I had thought," said Bacon, with a sneer, " that I should have known my suc- cessor." Yet it does not appear that any one complained of Williams's io-norance of law. Some said that he was too young ; and that it was unfair to others " that so mean a man as a Dean should so suddenly leap over their heads." To remedy the last complaint as far as it was possible, James announced his intention to trans- late Bishop Montaigne to the see of London, and to give to Williams the Bishopric of Lincoln, which would be va- cated by Montaigne. The great seal should not be placed in his hands till after the conge d'elire had been issued.* On the 10th of July, he received the seal by the title of Lord Keeper. He had far too much tact not to be anxious that his promotion should be as unostentatious as possible. At his own request it was given out that he was appointed on probation, and that some of the common- law judges would take their seats with him on the bench as his assistants-l His next step was to apply himself diligently to the study of law. Every day he shut himself up for hours with Serjeant Finch, in the hope of making himself fit for the duties of his office before Michaelmas term began. Iiow far In addition to the Bishopric of Lincoln, he was allowed luvhiB ^'^ ^^ retain in commendam the Deanery of Westminster and po&t. his other ecclesiastical appointments. It was to them * C]iamT)erlain to Carleton, June 2,3. S. P. Dom. cxxi. 121. t Williams to Bucldjigliam, July 27. Cabala, 260. THE POLITICAL AMNESTY. 29 that he must look for the means to maintain the state ^h- ^H. of his office. The legitimate income of his post did not i62i. exceed 3000/. a-year, and he would not be allowed to July. , eke out this revenue from those questionable sources which had supplied his predecessor. There niust be no more taking of gratuities under any pretence whatever. " All my la\iyers," said James," with pardonable exagge- ration, " are so bred and nursed in corruption that they cannot leave it."* Williams was the very man to effeet the necessary change. If his ideal of purity was lower than Bacon's, in practical shrewdness he was far his superior. He never was for a moment in doubt of that of which Bacon was certain to be ignorant, the precise light in which any action was likely to be regarded by ordinary men. He shunned everything approaching to corruption like the plague, but it was rather because corruption was stupid than because it was dishonour- able. Nor was it less as an ad^dser in domestic affairs that j Williams was likely to prove useful to the King. At a time when united action between James and his people seemed once again to be possible, it was of no light moment that he should have some one at his ear who was not overburthened 'WT.th plans and conceptions of his own, but who was quick to detect the changes of popular feeling, and who looked rather at what was practicable than at what was theoretically in agreement with a certain set of maxims. Williams was now the first to discern the impolicy of imprisoning such men as Sandys and Southampton. He lost no time in whispering his apprehensions into Buckingham's ear, and he did not whisper in vain. Nothing tickled the favourite's vanity so delicately as the display of a jDublic forgiveness of his enemies. On the morning of the 1 6th of July, he hurried General up from Theobalds, and visited all who for one reason or oVp?i-'''° another were supposed to lie under his mortal displeasure, souers. Within a few days the prison doors were flying open on every side. Southampton, Oxford, Sandys, Selden, Yel- verton, and Floyd, regained their liberty. Nor was the * Chamberlain to Carleton, June 23. S. P. Dom. cxxi. 121. 30 THE NEW EAEL MARSHAL. ^H- ^'^^- boon confined to those whose offences were still recent. 1621. Northunibeiiand, after fifteen years' detention, was al- juiy. lowed once more to breathe the fresh air amongst the ' woods of Petworth. Naunton, too, was released from the confinemelit in Avhich he had remained ever since the rash words which he had s]3oken in January ; and even Captain North, whose voyage to the Amazon had given such offence to Gondomar, recovered liis Hberty at the same time.* i Arunriei Q^ aiiotlier poiiit William s's remonstrances were less shd. successful. Arundel's services in the House of Lords could hardly be forgotten. Amongst the old nobihty he alone had taken up Bucldngham's cause with warmth. On the 15 th of July the Earl Marshal's staff was placed in his hands. It was not long before two patents, one con- firming him in this office, the other assigning him a pension of 2000^. a-year, were brought to Williams to be sealed. To the latter, remembering the penury of the Exchequer, the Lord Keeper gave an unwilling assent. To the former he entertained the strongest possible objection. By the wording of the patent powers over all cases in which rank and honour were concerned were conveyed, as it would seem, with studied vagueness ; and of all men living, Arundel, with his passionate haughtiness, was the least fit to be trusted with authority of such a nature. Williams, however, uttered his remonstrances in vain, and Arundel was formally authorised to repeat before meaner audiences those outbursts of insolence which even in the presence of his peers he had not been able to restrain.! Laud made About tliis time accidcut brought Williams in contact St. David's, witli a mail who was hereafter to prove his bitter enemy. Little had been heard of Laud since his injudicious pro- ceedings at Gloucester. He had accompanied the King to Scotland, and is said to have given oftence by the per- tinacity with which he urged James to reduce the Church of Scotland to a complete conformity with her English * Chamberlain to Carleton, July 21, Aug. 4. S. P. Dom. cxxii. .31, 60. t Williauis to Buckingham, Sept. 1. Cabala, 261. Grant of Office, Aug. 29. Grant of Pension, Aug. 30. Patent Rolls, 19 Jac. I. Parts 13 and 1. Locke to Carleton, Sept. 22, Sept. 99. S. P. Dom. cxxii. 140, 152, ADVANCEMENT OF LAUD. 31 sister. It is, however, not improbable that this story was ^^- ^^^^- invented at a later date. But whatever the truth may i62i. have been, if there was any estrangement between the July- Dean of Gloucester and the King, it quickly passed away. On the 3rd of June, the day before the adjournment of Parliament, James was heard speaking graciously to him. " I have given you," he said, " nothing but Gloucester. I know well that it is a shell without a kernel." At Court it was understood that he was to succeed Williams in the Deanery of Westminster. According to a story which ' afterwards found credence, Wilhams, bringing Bucking- ham to his aid, entreated earnestly that he might have the Bishopric of St. David's instead. It has with great probability been suspected* that Williams was actuated I by the simple desire to keep the deanery for himself. At all events, he is said to have met with an unex- pected obstacle in James, who objected to the harsh and impracticable nature of the man. At length the King yiekled to the pressure put upon him. " Take him to you," he said, '' but on my soul you will repent it." If the whole story is anything more than a pure invention, it may be that James, though he saw Laud's fitness for presiding over the public services of such a church as I Westminster, and appreciated to the full his learning, his devotion to the throne, and his hatred of Puritanism, was I yet well aware that he was singularly unfitted by nature 1 for an office which, like that of a bishop, demanded no ordinary temper and discretion.! Before the new Bishops were consecrated, an accident ,{"'>',-''• 11-1 T f • j_ J- ^ Abbot s occurred which caused for some time a postponement oi aocidentai the ceremony. It happened that the Archbishop had iiomicide. gone down to Lord Zouch's estate at Bramshill, to conse- crate a chapel. In the morning he was taken out to amuse himself by shooting with a bow at the deer. Un- ' fortunately, the deer he was aiming at leapt up, and the arrow, missing its mark, struck a keeper who was passing * By Dr. Bliss, in his notes to Laud's Diary. t Hacket, 63. Some of the particulars of the story are in direct contra- diction with Laud's Diary, {TVorks, iii. 136,) and Hacket, even when uncon- tradicted, is seldom to be fully trusted. But James's part in the conversation is characteristic, and the story, as I have given it above, may perhai>s be hypothetically admitted. 32 THE ACCIDENT AT BRAMSHILL. ^H- ^li- along a sunken path out of the Archbishop's sight. In 1621. half an hour the man M^as dead. July. Not a shadow of blame was to be imputed to Abbot. " No one but a fool or a knave/' said James, as soon as he heard of the accident, " would think the worse of him. It might be any man's case."* The manner in which Wil- liams received the news was no less characteristic of the man. About the moral nature of the action he did not trouble himself for a moment. But he thought much of what people would say about it. By the common law, he told Buckingham, the Archbishop had forfeited his estate to the Crown. By the canon law he had committed an ii'regularity, and was suspended from all ecclesiastical functions. It was difficult to say what was to be done. If the King were harsh, the Papists were certain to find fault. If the King were lenient, the Papists would find fault with that, too.f Williams, at all events, took care that no stain of irregularity should rest upon himself. He would not, he said, be consecrated bya man whose hands were dipped in blood ; ^ and his objection was shared by Laud, who bore no good will to the Archbishop. § Pardon of The scruplcs of the two Deans were respected, and bishop'^ Abbot was not allowed to take part in their consecration. The Archbishop's case was referred to a royal commission, and by its recommendation s. special release from all irre- gularity was issued under the great seal.|| .n July 9. Whilst Williams w^as thus engao;ed upon the whole in Cranfieid assuaging* enmities, and in counselhusj moderation, Cran- raised tooO^ ' • ^^ • n t • the Peer- neld was risiug no less rapidly into favour. It is not age. likely that he felt any great disappointment at the pre- ference which had been shown to Williams. No one knew better than himself that the Court ^f Chancery was not the sphere in which he was best qualified to shine. It was as a financier that he had risen, and it was as a financier that he must retain his grasp upon power. James took care to let him feel that it was not from * Lord Zoucli to Sir Edward Zouch, July 24. Digges to Carleton, July 28. S. P. Dom. cxxii. 37, 47. t Williams to Buckingham, July 27. Cabala, 260. % Mead to Stuteville, Sept. 19. " Harl. MSS. 389, I'ol. 118. § Chestenuan to Conway, Aug. 28, S. P. Dom. cxxii. 94. II Hacket, 68. State Trials. CRANFIELD RAISED TO THE TEEEAGE. 33 ill-will that lie had passed him by. On the day before ^^- ^^"- the great seal was placed in the hands of Williams, the i62i. man who, not many years before, had been a mere city July- apprentice, was em'olled by the title of Baron Cranfield, on the peerage of England. It was not the first time that men of comparatively humble origin had won their way to that high place by sheer force of ability. But Cranfield was the first whose elevation can in any way be connected with success in obtaining the confidence of the House of Commons. In the earlier part of the session, he had placed himself at the head of the movement against the patents, and he had lost no opportunity of bringing the policy of the Crown into unison with that of the Lower House. In the last stormy debates before the adjournment he had done more than any one to allay the existing irritation by the readiness with which he assured the House that all their wishes with regard to trade would be carried out by the Government during the recess. Accordingly, on the 10th of July, the long delibera- tions of the Council were followed by a proclamation [jon wdiich swept away at a blow no less than eighteen mono- against polies and grants of a similar nature. A list of seventeen nes. w^as added, against which any one who felt aggrieved was at liberty to appeal to a court of law. Other popular declarations followed. Informers were no longer to be tolerated. Excessive fees were not to be taken in the Courts. Certain restrictions placed upon trade by the merchant adventurers were to be abolished. On the other hand, the exportation of wool was to be prohibited, and that of the noted iron ordnance of England was to be fenced about with additional cautions. It was the policy of Cranfield and of the House of Commons which had triumphed over the policy of Bacon. A system thoroughly logical and thoroughly ^\Tong, was to be replaced by a system which was right by accident. But whatever its merits or its demerits might be, it was undoubtedly the system which the nation was willing to adopt. It was the will of the House of Commons which had prevailed. As far as the domestic government of the country was concerned, James had shown himself content July 10. Proclama- VOL. II. 34 THE SEPARATISTS. ^^- ^11- to walk in the track wliicli had been marked out by his 1621. Parliament. July. It would, indeed, have seemed strange to any of those who took part in these stining events, and whose heads were full of questions about the Palatinate, or of questions about parliamentary privilege, if he had been told that there was not one of these points from which the Enghshman of future times would not readily turn away in order to contemplate the fortunes of a little band of exiles who had lately made their way unknown and un- heeded across the stormy waves of the Atlantic. The early Jt was religious zcal which had driven these men from tiX.^*^" their native land. In many respects, their doctrines were those of the stricter Enghsh Puritans. But in one point they were peculiarly their own. Whilst the Puri- tan was anxious to reform as far as possible the existing Church, these men had made up their minds to break away from it altogether. Within its pale, they declared, was an unholy alliance between good and e^dl, which was utterly abhorrent to their minds. Their doctrine, indeed, was only a natural reaction against the systems of Whitgift and Bancroft. In every age there are found men who are discontented with the ordinary religious standard of the day, and who demand a society of their o^YIi, in which they may interchange their ideas and aspirations. To such the Mediaeval Church offered the asylum of the cloister, or the active service of the mendi- cant orders. In the England of the nineteenth century, they would be at Hberty to enter into any combination amongst themselves which the most unrestrained fancy could dictate. Peligious societies and religious sects would welcome their co-operation. But, in the first century of the Reformed Church of England, nothing of the kind was possible. The parish church, and nothing but the parish church, was open to all. There the Puritan, who mourned over the dulness or the entire absence of the sermon, and to whom the Book of Com- mon Prayer was not long enough or flexible enough to give expression to the emotions with which his heart was bursting, was seated side by side with men who thought that the shortest service was already too long, THEIR ORIGIN. 35 and who were only driven to take part in it at all by ^^- ^^^- the ever present fear of a conviction for recusancy. If lo^ii. this had been all, — if, after having paid due obedience to the law, the Puritan had been left to himself, — if he had been permitted to meet for prayer in the afternoon as freely as other men were permitted to dance on the green, or to shoot at the butts, he might perhaps have been to some extent satisfied with the arrangements, pro- vided for him. In his private intercourse with neighbours like-minded with himself he would have found that of which he was in search, and he might have come in time to reofard with reverence the laro-e-heartedness of a Church which refused to content herself with claiming as her children the pious and the devoted, but which announced in the only w^ay in which it was at that time ' possible to announce it, that the ignorant and the vicious, the publican and the harlot, were equally the object of her care with the wisest and best of her sons. This, however, was not to be. Whitgift and Ban- Their croft, Elizabeth and James, had set their faces against Ji'E ^°° private associations ; and the consequence was that men church, were found to declare that private associations were the only congregations to which they were justified in giving the name of churches. Feelings which might have formed a support to the general piety, were left to grow up in fierce opposition to the existing system. The Church, it was said, was, by the confession of the Articles themselves, " a congregation of faithful men.^' Such, at least, the Church of England was not. Her bishops and archdeacons, her chancellors and ecclesiastical commis- sioners, existed mainly for the purpose of forcing the faitliful and the unfaithful into an unnatural union. The time had come when all true Christians must sepa- rate themselves from this antichristiau Babylon, and must unite in churches from which the unbelieving and the profane would be rigorously excluded.* * " If Mr. Johnson confess .... the Church of England a true Church, he must be able to prove it established by separation in a separated body in the constitution. He, with the rest, has formerly defined 'a true visible Church ,_ a company of people called and separated from the world by the Word of God,' &c. ; and proved the same by many Scriptures. " And to conceive of a Chiu-ch which Ls the body of Christ and household D 2 36 THE SEPARATISTS AT AMSTERDAM. Ch. VII. 1593. Their unpopu- larity. Persecu- tion. The con- gregation at Amster- dam. Towards the end of Elizabeth's reign, it was calcn- Lated that there were in England some 20,000 persons who had thus renounced communion with the Church, and who were popularly known by the name of Bro^v^m- ists. Such men would find but little sympathy even amongst Puritans. To ordinary Englishmen they were the object of contempt mingled with abhorrence. It was all very well, it might be said, for those who cared for such matters to raise questions about rites and cere- monies. But what was to be said to men who asserted that none but those who came up to their own arbitrary standard were sufficiently holy to take part with them- selves in the assemblies of the Church. Everywhere, therefore, the Separatist congregations were suppressed. Their members were committed to prison, in days when imprisonment was too often equi- valent to the tortures of a lingering death ; and they rotted away amongst the fevers which were rife in those infected abodes of misery. A few, by a cruel perversion of the law, were sent to the gallows. Some, who could not endure to remain at home and to wait for better times, made their way across the sea to a land where no bishops were to be found, and cowered for refuge under the shelter afibrded by the tolerant magistrates of Amsterdam. The church thus planted did not prosper. It con- tained within itself many persons of piety and integrity ; and one of its ministers, Henry Ainsworth, was distin- guished no less by the suavity of his disposition than by the depth of his learning. But there were too many amongst his congregation whose temper was hasty and unwise. The very self-assertion and independence of character which had made them separatists, not unfre- quently degenerated into an opinionativeness which augured ill for the peace of the community. It was peculiarly difiicult to train to habits of mutual concession of God not separated from the profane world wliich lieth in wickedness, is to confound heaven and earth, and to agree Christ with Belial, and, in truth, the most profane and dangerous error, which, this day, prevails amongst them that fear God." Robinson. Of Religious Conununion. TForks, iii. 129. THE EMIGRANTS FROM GAINSBOROUGH. 37 •men who had ah^eady thrown off all restraints of custom Ch. vir. and organization at home. Amongst such men causes of dispute were certain to I604. arise. Francis Johnson, who was associated in the mi- ^"^'-''""'^^ nistry with Ainsworth, had since his arrival married the widow of a merchant. The lady, who had a little more money than the other members of the congregation, gave great offence by what in that strait-laced community was considered the magnificence of her dress. Whenever she made her appearance she was pointed at as a disgraceful example of female vanity. She had adopted the fashion of the day in wearing cork heels to her shoes and in stiffening her bodice with whalebone. A deputation accordingly waited upon Johnson to complain of tlie bad example set by his wife. The poor man did not know what to do. In a strait between his wife and his congregation, he tried to compromise the dispute. The lady pleaded that it was impossible for her to spoil her dress by making any alterations in its shape. But she * promised that, as soon as it was worn out, her new clothes should be cut so as to give satisfaction to the complainants. * The congregation, however, was not to be bought off so cheaply as this, and this miserable dispute was only the commencement of a prolonged quarrel, of which glimpses are to be obtained from time to time in the fragmentary annals of the little com- munity. Two years later fresh seeds of contention were sown. ^.^^^• In 1606 the Amsterdam Church was joined by a congre- tioud'^'the gation which had emigrated from Gainsborough, under ['•''"*" the guidance of their minister, John Smith. | He appears cougrega- to have been a man of ability and eloquence, but of a *^""- singular angularity of character. He had scarcely set foot in Amsterdam before he had quarrelled with tlie original emigrants. He finally adopted Baptist opinions, so far at least as to assert the necessity of the re-baptism of adults. Not being able, however, to satisfy himself as to the proper quarter in which to apply for the ad- muiistration of the rite, he finally solved the difhculty by * Bradford's Dialogue in Young's Clironicles, 446. t Hunter. Founders of Plymouth Colony, 32. 38 RICHARD CLIFTOX. Ch. VII. 1606. Tolerance .ind into- lerance of the Sepa- ratists. 1603. Clifton at Babwortli. baptizing himself. He was not one in whose neigh- bourhood peace was likely to be found. The congre- gation which had followed him from England was infected by his spirit, and it speedily broke up, and came to nothing.* Such stories as these, which lost nothing when re- counted by the champions of the English Church, did not promise well for the future of the Separatists. In truth, there was a fund of intolerance inextricably involved in these men's opinions. The very principle upon which they had separated from the Church was calculated to foster a pharisaical spirit. And yet there were causes at work to cbaw them in an opposite direction. The theory that it was the duty of Christians to separate themselves from the profane and ungodly multitude led almost inevitably to the theory of the independence of each con- gTcgation so separated. The Roman Catholic, the Angli- can, and the Presbyterian differed with respect to the principles upon which the Church ought to be organized ; but they agreed in making that organization, w^hatever it might be, the central point of their system. To the Separatist, the one point of importance was, that a few faithful Christians had met together to strengthen one another ^^^.th their mutual prayers and exhortations. He had, no doubt, a devout wish that others might be as pious as himself ; but he was so far from entertaining a desire to compel them to join him against their will, that he would have regarded any one who proposed such a course with the utmost horror. He would, therefore, be the first to take a stand against the prevalent belief that it was the duty of a government to enforce conformity by penal legislation. That, not without occasional relapses, the better prin- ciple became predominant, was mainly the work of a little group of men who had not yet made up their minds to forsake their native country, and of whom, as yet, the central figure was Eichard Clifton, a man who is scarcely known to us, excepting by the influence which he exercised over others. | At the end of Elizabeth's * Robinson. Works, iii. 168. t Ilimter. Founders of Plymouth, 4Q. n\ I THE POSTMASTER OF SCPtOOBV. 39 reio-n he was rector of Babworth, a village in the north- ^°- ^II- east corner of Nottinghamshire. He was devoted to his 1603. duties; and his earnestness attracted from the neigh- bom^ing villages all who were dissatisfied with the mini- strations of their o^vn parishes. Such a one was William Bradford,* at the time when James ascended the throne, Bradford, a mere boy of thirteen, whose early piety and precocious thoughtfulness seemed to mark him for future eminence. The walk over the fields to Babworth from his Yorkshire home at Austerfield was nine or ten miles, and this distance he regularly paced backwards and forwards whenever Clifton's voice was to be heard in the pulpit. On his way he passed through the village of Scrooby, with its old manor-house, once a country seat of the Archbishops of York, but made over not long before by Archbishop Sandys, in a fit of nepotism, to his eldest son. It was now occupied by William Brewster, the postmaster Brewster, of the place, which was a station on the great road to Scotland and the north.t Brewster was a man of con- genial temperament with Bradford, and doubtless took a kindly interest in the boy. He was not without expe- rience of the world. He had been attached to the service of the Puritan Secretary, Davison, and had accompanied him when he visited the Netherlands in 1585 to receive the keys of the cautionary towns. Upon Davison's disgrace, Brewster had returned to Scrooby, his native village, where he obtained the appointment which he held by means of the interest which he still retained at Court. He brought with him the strong Puritan opi- nions which he had imbibed in Davison's household ; but there is every reason to believe that as long as Clifton was still preaching, he continued to regard himself as a member of the Church of England, and that, like many others in the neighbourhood, he made his way from time to time across the fields to Babworth. Evil days were in store for the non-conforming clergy. 1604. Elizabeth and Whitgift had chastised them with whips. ^-^^^Jl James and Bancroft would chastise them with scorpions. The millenary petition was rejected. Its supporters were * Hunter. Founders of Plymouth, 99. t Ibid. 66. 40 JOHN ROBINSON. ' Ch. VII. driven with contumely from Hampton Court. The Canons 1604. of 1604 passed through convocation, and received the Royal assent. Conformity, thorough and unhesitating conformity, was to be the unbending rule of the English Church. Like so many others, Chfton, it would seem, refused to comply with the requirements of the new reign. He was accordingly deprived of his rectory, and the voice was silenced which had sounded like the messenger of God to so many pious souls.* To those to whom the parish church of Babworth had been as the gate of heaven, there was a void which nothing could replace. The system under which the preacher whom they loved had been driven from his pulpit, grew more odious to them every day. They saw in it faults which they had never seen before. A conviction, ripening as the weeks passed by, settled deeper and deeper in their minds, that the Church which counted amonost her children the formahst and the world- ling, and which drove the Papist under hea^y penalties to take a hypocritical part in her most solemn rites, but which could find no room for Clifton amongst her minis- ters, was already condemned of God. ^t^N™ ^^^ ^^^^^^ which had fallen upon Clifton at Babworth, wich. fell at Norwich upon a man of equal piety, but far superior abilities. John Robinson had long striven to do his duty with such amount of compliance with the Prayer Book as the Puritan clergy were accustomed to render. When he was dismissed from his post, his heart clung to the Church, as the heart of Wesley clung to it a century and a half later. He entreated the magistrates of the city to grant him the mastership of the hospital, or at least to assign to him the lease of some premises in which he might continue to render s]3iritual aid to such of his old congregation as might be inclined to seek his assist- ance. Even this was denied him, and with a heavy heart * There is no direct evidence of the date of Clifton's ejectment. But Cotton {Magnalia Christi Americana, ii. 1, § 2,) speaks of Bradford as reading the Scriptures at the age of twelve, and as subsequently attending CUfton's ministiy. Bradford was twelve in 1602, and during the two following years James had not yet broken with the Puritans. Nor is it likely that Clifton could have escaped the clean SM^eep in the autumn of 1604, especially as we find him an ejected minister so soon afterwards. THE SCROOBY CONGREGATION. -i^ he turned his steps towards Gainsborough, his native .^^illL town.* ^ _ ^ 1606. For two years after Clifton's expulsion, nothing is The con- known of his proceedings, but it is certain that those who aricrooby. gathered round him grew more and more estranged from the Church. The line of demarcation between the ejected and the ejectors, was ^^dening into an impassable gulf. It is by no means unlikely that they placed themselves in communication with Smith and his Gainsborough con- gregation. At all events, when Smith emigrated in 1606, they determined to form themselves into a separate con- gregation.t Brewster readily offered his house for their meetings, and Clifton was, as a matter of course, chosen to be the pastor of the little flock. Eobinson, who it may safely be conjectured looked askance upon a man of Smith's quarrelsome temper, had taken no part in the emioration of his fellow-townsmen, but consented at once to act as Clifton's assistant at Scrooby. Brewster was to be the Elder, an office for which he was eminently fitted. His quiet unobtrusive goodness, as well as his position in the house in which the congregation met, enabled him, without the risk of giving ofi'ence, to speak words of kindly reproof, and to soften down those inevitable asperities which were working such mischief at Amsterdam. Brad- ford was, as yet, too young to take any promment part m the community, but his more practical nature was likely to stand them in good stead when the time came for the exercise of the more energetic virtues. The step which these men had taken was not without i^f*'- its dangers. Everyone who met at Brewster's house, knew ^.^f^^l"}'^ that he was actino- in defiance of the law. There was no emigrate. * Hunter. Founders of Plymouth, 92. Hall. Apology against the BroAmists. JVurks, ix. 91. Ashtou's Life of Robiuson, pretixed to the col- lected edition of his Works. t Morton {Memorial, 1.) places the date of the formation of the Scrooby Church in 1602. But this is most im])rol)able in itself, and is contradicted by the far better evidence of Bradford, who says :— " After they had con- tinued together about a year, .... they resolved to get over into Hidland." {History of Neu^ England, 10.) Mr. Palfrey, indeed, (ll>id. i. 1:35, note I,) observes, that Bradford perhaps reckoned from the time of Robinson's join- ing the Church. But the more natural inteijiretation is corroborated by another passage. In speaking of Brewster's death, in April, 1(54:5, Bradft)nl says, (/fw<. 468), that he "had borne his part with this poor pei-secuted Church above thirty-six years," i.e. from the winter of 1606-7. ties in the way, 42 EMIGRATION TO HOLLAND. ^^- ^11- longer any peace for tliem in England. They were none 1607. of them rich men. For the most part, they were engaged in agriculture, the pursuit which, of all others, is the least suggestive of movement and change. Time out of mind, their forefathers had ploughed the same fields, and had been buried in the same green churchyards, under the shelter of the old familiar churches. Their English homes were very dear to them. To dwell in a foreign land was to be cut off from all intercourse with those they loved, to a degree which, in these days, we are hardly capable of comprehending. Yet all this, and more than this, they were resolved to face. They had made up their minds that it was their duty to go, and, in spite of the hard- ships which awaited them, there was no shrinking back. DiffipiiT- But, if it was illegal to hold their assemblies in England, it was no less illegal to leave the country without the Eoyal licence.* It was therefore necessary to make their preparations in secret. At last it seemed that all diffi- culties were at an end. A vessel was hired to meet them at Boston. On the appointed day they .moved down cautiously towards the coast, and timed their journey so as to arrive at the water's edge shortly after nightfall. They went on board at once, fancjdng they had nothing more to fear. But even then, they were doomed to dis- appointment. The captain proved a rogue. He had already pocketed their passage money, and he wanted to be relieved from the fulfilment of his bargain. He accordingly gave notice to the magistrates, and just as the poor emigrants were watching for the weighing of the anchor, the officers came on board, and hurried them on shore. The unhappy men were stripped of every tiling which they possessed, and were brought up for examina- tion on the following morning. The magistrates, as fre- quently proved the case, were disposed to be lenient to anything that bore the name of Protestantism, but they were hampered by the necessity of waiting for instructions from the Privy Council. In due time these instructions were received, and it was only after long imprisonment, that the poor men were allowed to return to their homes. * By 13 Ric. II. stat. 1, cap. 20, persons not being soldiers or merchants miglit not leave the realm without licence, excepting at Dover or Plymouth. DISSATISFACTION WITH AMSTEKDAM. 43 Brewster and six of his companions were detained still ^'"- ^ ^^- longer, and were only dismissed after having been bound over to answer for their conduct at the next assizes. It is hard to stop resolute men. In the course of the leos. following year, they all, in one way or another, succeeded '^^^^ ^ v . /» esCcir*6 to in effecting their escape. When, in the autumn of 1608, Amster- they met together once more at Amsterdam, there were ^*™- few who had not some tale to tell of sufferings endured. But even at Amsterdam there was no rest possible for them. The little Church there was still distracted by disputes, and it was not from a love of theological pole- mics that they had left their homes. Smith and Johnson might quarrel as much as they pleased ; but as for them- selves, they had come to Holland in search of peace, and, if peace was not to be found at Amsterdam, it must be sought elsewhere. Accordingly, before they had been leop. many months upon the Continent, they removed in a Their re- body to Ley den j leaving the theologians to fight out their Leyden" battles amongst themselves. Clifton, worn out by the trials of his life, and sinking into a premature old age, was unable or unwilling to accompany them, and his place was taken by Robinson.* The years of residence at Leyden were, in every re- spect, beneficial to the exiles. Whatever intolerance might be lurking in their hearts was no longer influenced by the opposition of an intolerant Church. It was true that in Holland, as well as in England, they found themselves face to face with that world from which they had done their best to separate themselves. It was a world in which there was sin and error enouo-h, a world in which evil men and evil habits were to be met at every turn ; but it was not a world in which was to be found either a Ban- croft or a James. In their own little circle, the emigrants might pray and preach as they pleased. There was no Court of High Commission to visit them with fines, no informer to dog their steps, no justice of the peace to send them to prison. Was it strange that, although their recollections were still full of bitterness towards the system under which they had suffered, their sentiments towards individual men grew more kindly, and that they were * Bradford. History of Plymouth Plantation, 16. 44 THE EMIGRANTS AT LEYDEK Ch. VII. 1609. Influence of Robin- son. 1617. Dissatis- faction with lieyden. more ready to make allowances tlian tliey had been before ? On the other hand, their position drove them to grasp more firmly than ever their theory of the separa- tion between the spiritual and the temporal, upon which the principles of toleration rest. Strangers in a foreign land, the wildest fancy could not lead them to expect a time when they might hope to win over the magistrates of the Kepublic to their own peculiar views. They knew that as long as they remained in Holland, they must either be tolerated or oppressed. Their only safeguard lay in throwing their whole weight into the scale of toleration, and in restrictino; to the uttermost the rioht of the civil magistrate to interfere in spiritual questions. What Knox and Calvin had failed to comprehend, was reserved for these poor Separatists to teach. At such a time, the presence of a man like Eobinson was invaluable to them. If the Ley den congregation was to be saved from the fate of the Church at Amsterdam, it could only be by the acceptance of some systematized belief, and the task of laying the foundations of such a system was one for which Robinson was eminently fitted. It was by him that the opinions of his companions were welded into a coherent whole. Separation from sinners, resistance to a dominant clergy, the right of individual congregations to manage their own affairs, and the other peculiarities which the current of events had brought to the surface, all assumed their proper place in a theory so complete that those who accepted it were able to imagine that it contained aU wisdom, human and Divine. Nor was it solely to his intellectual powers that Robinson owed the influence which he had acquired. Even amongst men who could measure gentleness of disposition by Brewster's standard, he was noted for the kindness of his heart. And yet the exiles were not at ease even at Leyden. Their sober industry kept them from want ; but most of them had to struggle hard. Their fingers had been trained to handle the plough better than the loom, and it was with difiiculty that they were able to compete with the skilled workmen by whom they were surrounded. From their lodgings amidst the close alleys of the town they looked I THEIR THOUGHTS TURN TO AMERICA. 4.3 back with sadness to the pure air and the pleasant hedge- Ch^^vii^ rows of their native England. Nor were other causes of 1617. discontent wanting. They had come to Holland in order to keep themselves separate from the world. Were they sure that they had succeeded ? Their longing for a land in which tares never ming^led with the wheat was still unsatisfied. Their children, as they grew up, were not always content with the hard life of their parents. Some of them had enlisted in the armies of the Repubhc ; with what danger to their souls, who could tell ? Some, still worse, had strayed into folly and vice. Even in that land of Cahdnism, the Sabbath rest was not observed as they would fain have seen it. And so, again and again, the c[uestion was raised, whether the worlcl did not aff'orcl some s|)ot where the young might be preserved from con- tamination. Nor was it only for themselves and for their children that they were anxious. They knew that there were many still in England whose opinions coincided with their owm, and they had fondly hoped that their little Church would prove the nucleus round which a large number of emigi'ants would gather. But, as long as they remained where they were, nothing of the kind was to be hoped for. The spiritual advantages of becoming a ' member of Robinson's cono-reo-ation were of little weight with the hundreds who shrunk from the cbudgery of daily life at Ley den.* All these considerations urged the exiles to seek another Deter- home. The ideal of the pure and sinless community fo'"n[|!'" which they hoped to found was still floating before their grate to eyes, and was dra^^dng them on as it receded before them. '"^"^'^"'-'''• Let us not stop to inc^uire whether such an ideal was at- f ; tainal.)le on earth. It is enoug-h that in strivino- to realise it, they did that which the world will not willingly foro;et. In what part of the globe was a home to be found for the new Cln-istian commonwealth ? Very tempting were the accounts borne across the Atlantic of the fertility of Guiana ; but, even though Raleigh's hopes had not yet * Bradford. History of Plymouth Plantation, 22. Winslow's Brief X;u- rative, in Young's Clironi'cle, 381. HI 46 THE TWO COMPANIES. Cg- ^11- been T\Teckecl on tlie banks of the Orinoco, prudence for- 1617. bade the exposure of their scanty and unwarUke numbers to the hostility of the whole Spanish monarchy. Harsh, too, as their treatment had been in England, their hearts were still English, and not only were they unwilling to settle themselves out of the dominions of the English Crown, but all their hopes of attracting additional emi- grants lay in their finding some spot where there was nothing to aggravate the ordinary difficulties in the way of a free communication with the mother country. With these hopes before them, their choice was limited to the Atlantic coast of North America. Choice of Evcu ^dth this limitation they had a wide range before ^ ^^° ■ them. From the Spanish possessions in Florida to the French colony in Nova Scotia, the little settlement at James Town was, with the exception of a Dutch factory on the Hudson, the only spot where Europeans were to be found. The Plymouth Company, to which the northern part of the coast had been assigned, had accomplished nothing- At the time when the sister company was sending out the last settlers to Virginia, an attempt had been made to establish a colony as far north as the mouth of the Kennebec. But the hardships of "wdnter in such a latitude had been too much for the emigrants, and no Captain Smith was to be found in their ranks. As soon as the summer weather enabled them to move, they made the best of their way back to England with diminished numbers. Fresh efforts were made by Smith, who, since his recall from Virginia had transferred his allegiance to the Plymouth Company, but from various causes all his attempts at colonisation had proved abortive. All that he had been able to do was to bring home a survey of the coast, and to give to the land which he had hoped to fill with happy Enghsh homes the now familiar name of New England. Between the rival companies the exiles of Leyclen hesi- tated long. On the one hand, they were repelled by the known severity of the northern climate. On the other hand, they feared the neighbourhood of the James Town colonists, and they fancied, not without reason, that the arrival of a body of non-conformists would hardly be I THE FIRST PATENT GRANTED. 47 regarded with friendly eyes by the Virginian adven- ^^- "^^II- tiirers. I617. At last they resolved upon a middle course. They would come as far south as they dared \\ithout approaching too near to James Town. Near the mouth of the Hudson, somewhere on the coast of the present State of New Jersey, they might find a spot which would be free from both dangers. It was just within the limits of the Southern Company, the officials of which had practical experience in colonisation, and which, as long as it : counted Sir Edwin Sandys among its leading members, ■was Hkely to abstain from investigating too narrowly the theology of the settlers who were taken under its patronage. Two messengers were accordingly despatched to Eng- I6I8. land to enter into negotiations with the Virginia Com- J[of°\n' pany of London. With the support of Sandys they had England, little difficulty in obtaining a favourable hearing for their project. But the King's assent was less easily won. Yet even with James they did not meet the obstacles that might have been expected. They hoped, they said, that he would allow them to enjoy liberty of conscience in America. In return they woidd extend his dominions, and would spread the Gospel amongst the heathen. James inquired how they meant to live. " By fishing," they said. " So God have my soul," replied the King, " 'tis an honest trade ; 'twas the Apostles' own calHng." Their case was referred to the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London, and they were finally told that, though i they must not expect any public assurance of toleration, I yet, as long as they behaved peaceably, their proceedings I would be connived at. In accepting this ofier, they pro- bably thought that if they could only make good theii- footing in America, the King's arm would hardly be long I enough to reach them. Further delay was caused by the dissensions with which ^*'^^- the company was at this time agitated, and it was not till fronrt he I the summer of 1619 that they obtained a patent fi-om yiigi.iia it authorising them to establish a settlement near the ''"'^'''"-• mouth of the Hudson.* As soon as the patent arrived in * Bradford. History of Plymouth Plantation, 27 — 11. Wiuslow's Brief 48 DIFFICULTIES OF EMTGKATiON. Ch. VII. Leyclen, the first step of the congregation was to hold *' a 1619. solemn meeting, and a day of humiliation to seek the Lord for his direction." In the midst of all their diffi- culties, Eobinson's presence was a tower of strength, and his words of loving encouragement lingered long in their memories. As soon as his sermon was ended, a consulta- tion was held, in order that the enterprise might be put into a practical shape. About two hundred persons were present, and of this number nearly half were willing to take part in the undertaking. The rest, including Robin- son himself, were prevented by various causes from leav- ing Holland, though there were few who did not express a wish that they might be able ultimately to find their way to America. Even with their numbers thus reduced, they were forced to ask assistance, and to mortgage their future prospects in order to secure a passage across the Atlantic. With the necessity of borrowing came the necessity of yielding to the terms of those who were willing to lend. The firm and steadfast step with which a they had hitherto walked straight towards their goal was ■ now to be exchanged for uncertainty and delay. Theadven- They had applied for money to Thomas Weston, a turers. Loudon merchant, who had visited them at Leyden. He assured them that they should want for nothing. He would form a company to bear the risks of the undertaking, upon the security of a certain share of the profits. With the company thus formed an agreement was duly signed ; but difficulties in its interpretation were not slow to arise. Looking to the past history of colonisa- tion, the shareholders may well have felt that they were taking part in a scheme of which the chances of failure were far greater than those of success. The Leyden con- gregation had determined that they would not fail, and the resolute purpose which was to ensure success made them impatient of the doubts of others. It was sadly against their will that they finally yielded to the strin- gent conditions on which alone the money was to be had # Narrative, in Young's Chronicle, 382. The patent itself has not beeii preserved. * Braclibrd. History of Plymouth Plantation, A2~bA. I THE EMIGRANTS AT DELFT HAVEN. 49 In these negotiations, time, always precious to the poor, Ch. Yll. f| was lost. The autumn and the winter of 1619 passed 1620. slowly away. The spring of 1620 came, and there was The iiay- yet a possibility that they might reach America before go^th-'^' the summer was at an end. But the months were suf- ampton. fered to slip away, and it was not till July that the ! preparations were complete. At last, however, every- thing was ready. The Mayflower, a httle vessel of 180 tons, had been hired for the voyage, and was lying in Southampton Water. The Speedwell, of sixty tons, had been purchased, and it was intended that she should be used as a fishing vessel on the other side of the Atlan- tic. She was now despatched to bring over the emigrants from Holland. Many precious lives would have been saved if the time of Departure departure could have been delayed till a more favoui'able Jgyaen. I season ; but money was running short, and the poor men could not afford to wait. The day was fixed, a day sad both for those who were to go and for those who were to remain. Yet their sorrows were not unmixed with such hopes as befitted their devout and sober piety. " So being ready to depart," wrote one who set his face towards the wilderness, " they had a day of solemn humiliation, their pastor taking his text from Ezra viii. 21 : ' And there at the river by Ahava I proclaimed a fast, that we might humble ourselves before our God, and seek of Him a right way for us, and for our children, and for all our substance,' upon which he spent a good part of the day very profitably and suitably to the present occasion. The rest of the time was spent in pouring out prayers to the Lord with great fervency, mixed with abundance of tears. And the time being come that they must depart, they were accompanied with most of their brethren out of the city mito a town sundry miles ofi" called Delft Haven, where the ship lay ready to receive them. So they left that goodly and pleasant city which had been their resting- place near twelve years ; but they knew they were pil- grims and looked not much on those things, but lift up their eyes to the heavens, their dearest country, and quieted their spirits. When they came to the place, they found the ship and all things ready ; and such VOL. II. 50 THE LAST SIGHT OF HOLLAND. ^^- ^^l- of their friends as could not come with them followed 1620. after them ; and sundry also came from Amsterdam to see them shipped and to take their leave of them. That night was spent with little sleep by the most, but with friendly entertainment and Christian discourse and other real expression of true Christian love. The next day, the wind being fair, they went aboard and their friends with them, where truly doleful was the sight of that sad and mournful parting, to see what sighs, what sobs and prayers did sound amongst them, what tears did gush from every eye, and pithy speeches pierced every heart ; that sundiy Dutch strangers that stood on the quay as spectators could not refrain from tears. Yet comfortable and sweet it was to see such lively and true expressions of clear and unfeigned love. But the tide, which stays for no man, calling them away that were thus loathe to depart, their reverend pastor falling on his knees, and they all with him, with watery cheeks commended them with most fervent prayers to the Lord and His blessing. And then, with mutual embraces and many tears, they took their leaves one of another, which proved to be the last leave to many of them." * Passage to And SO, " lifting up their eyes to the heavens, their iimpton. dearest country," they parted one from another. Of those who returned to Leyden, there were some who were, in due time, to follow in the footsteps of the emi- gTants. There were others who, like Eobinson himself, were to leave their bones in the city which had sheltered them so long. The Speedwell, laden with its precious freight, bore the emigTants to Southampton, where they were joined by their companions who had been sent be- fore to complete the j^i'eparations for the voyage, and to collect such recruits as were willing to join them. About one hundred and twenty persons, men, women, and children, embarked as passengers on board the two vessels. Brewster and Bradford were there to repre- sent the old Scrooby congregation. Edward Winslow, a * Bradford. History of Plymouth Plantation, 58. It is a pity that in the fresco which adorns the Houses of Parliaraent, the realities of this scene should have been neglected for an iniagdnary parting on a beach which never existed. THE SAILING OF THE MAYFLOWER. 51 gentleman by birth, happening to pass through Leyden on ^^- ^^l- his travels, had been attracted by Kobinson's preaching, i62u. and had thrown in his lot with the despised Separatists. More peculiar was the position of Miles Standish. He was not, nor did he ever become, a member of their Church ; but he had willingly offered to share their exile, and he brought with him the military skill of which they were not unlikely to stand in need. He had, in all probabihty, served some years as a soldier in the garrison of one of the cautionary towns. He may have been actuated in his wish to join the exiles partly by a daring spirit and a love of adventure. But he Avas a man of sober worth, and he may well have clung to the society of those of whom the congregation was composed, even if he could not altogether adopt their tenets. Precious time Avas again lost at Southampton in a vain The two attempt to obtain better terms from the company. After a J^f^ve'^ delay of seven days, the two vessels dropped down past South- Calshot and the Needles into the Channel. It was soon ^°^^ ^^' discovered that the Speedwell had sprung a leak, and the exiles were forced to put into Dartmouth for rejiairs. Once more, as soon as the mischief had been remedied, they weighed anchor with renewed hope. This time they were out of sight of land before any complaint was heard ; but the smaller vessel was overmasted, and the leak was soon as bad as ever. With hea^y hearts they put back to Plpnouth, where it was resolved to leave the Speed- The Speed- well behind, and to get rid of those of their fellow- behml passengers who were already growing sick of the hardships of the voyage. On the 6th of September, just as the couriers were ^•'P^- speeding to England with the news of Spinola's attack ^^e^^oTTbe upon the Palatinate, the emigrants bade farewell to that -^i-\v- lovely harbour from which, three years before, Raleigh had started in pursuit of his phantom of the golden mine. , Kame Head, and the Lizard, and the Land's End, the I cold grey bulwarks of unsympathizing England, one after I another dropped out of sight. At last they were alone upon the Atlantic. Behind them, save in a few distant j Leyden garrets, there were none to whom their fiiilure or their success would fmiiish more than a few hours' scornful E 2 52 THE VOYAGE ACROSS THE ATLANTIC. ^^' ^^^' gossip. Before tliem was tlie stormy sea, and in the far 1620. West lay that wdlderness which was only waiting for their Sept. approach to stiffen under its winter frosts. Yet there was no sign of blenching. If God were on their side, what mattered the coldness of the world, the jeers of the sailors, or the howling^ of the Atlantic storms ?* The voyage was chequered with but few incidents. But there is one passage in the narrative in which Brad- ford has embalmed the story of those days of trial, which is too characteristic of the writer and his companions to be passed over in silence. " I may not," he wrote, " omit here a special work of God's providence. There was a proud and very profane young man, one of the seamen. He would alway be contemning the poor people in their sickness, or cursing them daily with grievous execrations, and did not let to tell them that he hoped to cast half of them overboard before they came to their journey's end, and to make merry with what they had ; and, if he were by any quietly reproved, he would curse and swear most bitterly. But it pleased God before they came half seas over to smite this young man with a grievous disease, of which he died in a desperate manner, and so was himself the first that was thrown overboard. Thus his curses lighted on his own head, and it was an astonishment to all his fellows, for they noted it to be the hand of God upon him." November. j^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^le 9 th of November that the emigrants CaieCod. caught siglit of land. The low shore of Cape Cod stretched away for miles in front of them. From the spot at which they had struck the coast, a short voyage of less than seventy miles would bring them to the place which they had marked out for their settlement. The ship's course was accordingly altered in a southerly direction, and an attempt was made to reach the mouth of the Hudson. They had not gone far before they found tliemselves off Sandy Point, amongst shoals and breakers white with foam. The captain declared that the danger was too great to be faced, and altering the ship's course once more he steered to the northward along the coast. "& * Bradford. History of Plymouth Plantation, 68 — 74. THE MAYFLOWER AT CAPE COD. 53 On tlie 11 til, the Mayflower rounded the extreme point ^^- ^^^^- of the jDeninsula of Cape Cod, and dropped anchor in the 1620, smooth water inside. Of the emigrants, one had died during the passage, but their numl)ers were still the same as when they left Plymouth harl)our, a chikl, Oceanus Hopkins, having been born on board. One hundred and two persons, of whom about fifty only were fuU grown men, looked out under the bleak November sky upon the desolate shore, on which they were, with as little loss of time as possible, to search for a home. Before anyone was allowed to leave the ship, a meeting Arn-ee- was called, to take steps for the prevention of a danger fdrm a which threatened to sap the foundations of the infant Govern- colony. In one respect the breakers oft' Sandy Point had made a great alteration in their position. At the mouth of the Hudson they would have been within the limits of the Virginia Company's authority. At Cape Cod those limits were passed, and the patent which had been ob- tained with so much difliculty had suddenly been ren- dered useless. For many months it would be impossible to communicate with the northern company in whose territories they now were, and it would be hazardous to establish a colony without any recognised government to preserve order in its ranks ; for already it had been dis- covered that among the recruits who had joined them at Southampton, there were those who were muttering that they might do as they pleased, since there was no longer any legal authority which could call them to account for their actions. It was to meet this difficulty that a docu- ment framed in the following terms was laid before the meetino- for signature : — " In the name of God, Amen. AVe, whose names are The in- underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread Sovereign, ofgovem- King James .... having undertaken for the glory of God "ie»t- and the advancement of the Cluistian faith, in honour of our King and country, a voyage to plant the ftrst colony in the northern parts of Virginia, do by these i)resents solemnly and mutually, in the presence of God and one another, covenant to combine ourselves into a civil body politic, for our better ordering and preservation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid ; and by viitue hereof, 54 THE INSTRUMENT OF GOVERNMENT. Ch. VII. 1620. November. Carver chosen governor. Nov 11. Explora- tion of Cajje Cod. to enact, constitute, and frame such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions and offices from time to time as sliall be thouo;ht most meet and convenient for the general good of the colony ; unto which we promise all due submission and obedience." To this declaration not one of the emigrants refused to set his hand. The meeting next proceeded to choose as their first Governor, John Carver, who had taken an active part in the negotiations with the Company in England.* In all this there was nothings new. The election of administrative functionaries took place in every borough town in England. What was really new was that whilst in England each corporation was exposed to the action of the other forces of the social system, in America the new corporation was practically left to itself. It was as if Exeter or York had drifted away from the rest of England, and had been left to its own resources on the other side of the Atlantic. The accident which had deprived the colony for a time of all legal connexion with the home Government, was only a foreshadowing of its future fortunes. Sooner or later the colonists would have a social and political history of their own, which would not be a repetition of the social and political history of England. When once the first difficulties were at an end, there would be a society in which no one was very poor, and no one was very rich, and it was evident that to such a society many of the provisions of the English constitution would be altogether inapplicable. For the present, however, there was work before the emigrants which left no time for the discussion of poli- tical princijDles. Immediately after Carver's election, fifteen or sixteen of their number who were sent on shore for wood, returned with a report that they had * "After this," writes Bradford, "they chose, or rather confirmed, Mr. John Carver for that year." History of Plymouth Plantation, 90. Mr. Deane, the editor of Bradford's History, suggests that " or rather confirmed," was written inadvertently. This is very unlikely. I have no doubt that Carver was named to the office in the lost 2:)atent I'rom the Virginia Company. It will be remembered, that the fiist Council of Virginia was nominated in England. That it was intended that tlie New England colonists should elect their governor after the first year, appears from Robinson's letter in Bradford's History, 66. EXPLORATION OF THE COUNTRY. 55 found soil of rich black eartli Lebind tlie sandhills. The ^^- ^^^^- next day they kept their Sabbath, the first Sabbath in the 1620. new world which was opening before them. On Monday ^f'^- 12. morning they were anxious to commence the exploration •'^°^- ^■^• of the country, but the shallop which they had brought with them for that purpose, was found to have been injured on the voyage. Whilst it was being repaii^ed, a party, under the command of Standish, was set on shore to explore the immediate neighbourhood. They returned Nov. 17. on Friday, bringing with them some Indian corn, which they had found in a deserted native village. This little stock was invaluable to the settlers, as, by some extra- ordinary mismanagement, they had left all their seed corn behind them in Enoiand. Standish had hoped to find the shallop ready on his return ; but the carpenter was lazy or careless, and con- trived to consume fourteen days upon what should have been at most the work of six. It was not till the 27th ^ov. 27. that the exploring party was able to start. The weather had now become very bad. Winter had come down upon them in all its rigour. The cold blasts pierced to the skin, and the snow fell thick upon the houseless wan- derers. The water near the shore was so shallow, that it was impossible to land, except by wading. Time and means to dry their dripping garments were alike wanting. Not a few owed their deaths to diseases, the seeds of which were implanted in the constitution during these ' ^ melancholy days. Yet they struggled on bravely. They made theii'way to the southward along the inner shore of the peninsula, sometimes in an open boat, sometimes on foot, over hills and valleys, wrapped in a deep covering of snow. On the evening of the 30th, they returned on Nov. 30. board, footsore and weary, and reported in hivour of a spot near the mouth of the Pamet River, not far from the place where the Indian corn had been found. Long and earnest was the consultation that evening December, on board the Mayflower. Many reasons concurred in J("^i'^|;['\"i,g recommending the spot which had been selected by the main land, pioneers ; but the coast was shallow, and there was no running stream of fresh water in the immediate neigh- bourhood. In the midst of the discussion, they were told 56 THE SEARCH FOR A HOME. <^'H- "^11- by the pilot of the ship that he remembered that, when 1620. he was last on the coast, he had seen a good harbour on the mainland opposite. Upon this, they resolved not to come to a final resolution till a fresh exploiing party had visited the spot. Accordingly, on the 6th of December, ten of the emi- grants, accompanied by six of the crew, set out to face • the hardships of another search. The weather had not improved. Their clothes stiffened under the freezing spray, till they were like coats of iron. Here and there as they coasted along, they stopped to examine the nature of the soil. On the morning of the third day, as they were rising from their bivouac, they were attacked by Indians. With difficulty they regained their boat ; but they had scarcely put off from the land, when the wind rose to a hurricane. Fortunately it blew in the direction of their course ; but, as they swept along amidst the blinding snow, they began to feel anxious lest they should be dashed against the coast, which, as they knew, was not far in front. A. huge wave dashed over them, carrying away the rudder as it passed. As they were steadying the boat with the oars, the pilot, peering through the diiving snow, caught sight of land, and cheered them by announcing that he recognised the harbour of which he had told them. He had scarcely uttered the words, when the mast was broken short off by a sudden gust, and the fallen sail, flapping as " ■ it lay against the side of the boat, so impeded their movements, that, but for the flood tide which was run- ning strongly into the harbour, they would have been dashed to pieces amongst the breakers. Yet even then the danger was not over. The pilot fancied that he had mistaken the place, and lost his presence of mind. With a wild cry of, " The Lord be merciful ! my eyes never saw this place before," he attempted to beach the boat amongst the tumbling surf. Happily, the other seamen interfered, and smooth water was gained at last. As the shadows of night closed in, the wanderers, wet to the skin, and faint with watching, stepped on shore. The land- ^^i midniei;ht the wind shifted, and the stars shone p]}iiiouih. clearly out through the frosty air. When the morning . dawned, the emigrants discovered that they were on an; PLYMOUTH EOCK. 57 island in the midst of the spacious and landlocked bay, to _^^- _^'^L which Smith had given the name of Plymouth, a name 1C20. which they gladly retained in memory of the last spot upon English soil on which their feet had trodden. Here they remained for two days to recruit their exhausted frames. On the morning of the 1 1 tli of December, a day never to be forgotten in the annals of America, they made their way to the mainland. The granite boulder on which they stepped as they landed became an object of veneration to their descendants. Fragments of it were treasured up in the homes of New England, with a re- verence scarcely less than that which in Catholic coun- tries is bestowed upon the relics of the saints. The Pilgrim Fathers, as their children loved to call them, hold a place in the annals of a mighty nation which can never be displaced. But it is not merely because they were the founders of a great people that this tribute has been wil- lingly offered to their memories. It is because they I sought first the Kingdom of God, and His righteousness, that honour and reverence has been freely paid to them by a people whose heart has warmed to the tale of I spiritual heroism, all the more, it may be, because its own life had assumed, in its long struggle with physical diffi- culties, a less ideal character. The honours which were to be paid them in future choice of a i times were far from the thoughts of the exiles. With ^^^^" pleased eyes they looked upon the clearings in the forest, j and upon the blades of Indian corn, which gave tokens of human presence. They marked the rattling brooks which promised a perennial supply of water, very different from that which they had drunk from the ponds of Cape Cod ; and they noted that the harbour was safe and deep. A hasty glance was sufficient to satisfy them, and they hurried back to bear the good tidings to their compa- nions in the Mayflower. To one at least of their number the day on which he rejoined his comrades must have been ever remembered as a day of bitter sorrow. As Bradford stepped on board, he was met by the news that his wife had fallen overboard, and had perished before help could rench her. On the 16th, the Mayflower cast anclior in Plymouth 58 THE FIRST WINTER. ^s- ^11- Bay. Two or three days were spent in further explora- 1620. tion. On the 19th, " callmg upon God for du^ection," Decemijer. ^}^q whole compauy decided in favour of the spot at of"tiie^"° which the pioneers had landed. It was no holiday village. employment which they had undertaken. On the 20th, they began to work. The next day it was bloAving a hurricane. Those who were on shore were drenched to the skin, and those who had remained on board were unable to join their companions. For two days the storm raged without intermission. On the 23rd, the weather moderated, and they were able to fell and carry timber. Then came the Sabbath rest, the day on which their trials were all forgotten — a rest which was this time to be disturbed by an alarm, happily false, of ap- proaching Indians. The next day was the 25th, Christ- mas-day in England. "That day," says the journal of the exiles, with grim bre\dty, " we went on shore, some to fell timber, some to saw, some to rive, and some to carry. So no man rested all that day." And so the narrative of their labours proceeds. The work was often interrupted by the terrible weather, but they struggled manfully on, 1621. and by the middle of February, sixteen log huts were Februaiy. j.Qr^^j ^qj- ^j^e reccption of the families of the builders. Sickness It would havc bccu wcll if these hardships had been the ^1™°"°"** worst against which they had to contend. But fatigue and settlers ; exposurc hacl told heavily upon them. Before the summer came, fifty-one persons, a full half of their scanty number, had been struck down by disease. Yet it was in the very' depth of their suffering that the j)ower of Christian charity was seen. " In the time of most distress," wrote onejij who passed through that gloomy winter, " there was but' six or seven sound persons who, to their great commenda-, tion be it spoken, spared no pains night nor day, but withl abundance of toil and hazard of their own health, fetchedjl them wood, made them fires, dressed them meat, made their beds. Washed their loathsome clothes, clothed and unclothed them — in a word, did all the homely and necessary offices for them which the dainty and queasy cannot endure to hear named — and all this willingly and cheerfully, without any grudging in the least, shewing herein their true love unto their friends and brethren. A THE SETTLERS LEFT ALONE. 59 rare example, and ^rortliy to be remembered. Two of Ch. vil these seven were Mr. William Brewster, their reverend i62i, elder, and Miles Standish, their cajDtain and military com- mander, unto whom myself and many others were much beholden in our low and sad condition." Nor was it only to one another that they were ready to And on show kindness. The sailors of the Ma}-flower had been Maj- "'^ rude and scornful. When the disease was raging at fl^^^^er. Plymouth, the cajDtain had refused to send on shore even a little beer for the sick. At last his own men were struck down, and, as he saw them dying around him, he repented of his harshness. The settlers, he now said, might have as much beer as they wanted, if he had to diink water on his voyage home. A few of the passen- gers who were still on board devoted themselves to nursing the sick. One of the sailors was heard expressing his gratitude for the kindness he received. " You," he said, " show your love like Christians indeed to one another ; but we let one another lie and die like dogs."* At last the remnant of the emigrants was sufficiently April, established to dispense with the Mayflower. On the 5th Jj^'j^^'^J^™ °f of April, the vessel which had been their home for so Hower!^^ many months, sailed away for England. The blue waves of Plymouth Bay rolled in once more unbroken to the beach. The settlers were alone. Some twenty full- gTown men remained to encounter, as best they might, the dangers of the wilderness. By their side were a few true-hearted women, with theii' tender little ones clinging round them. At the end of the short street were the j graves of those they loved, who had fallen before the 'blasts of that terrible winter, and beyond was the illimit- able forest, with its unknoAvn perils. Yet were they full of hope. One danger at least proved less than they had expected. From a few straoolino; Indians who found then- way to the village, they learned that the whole country had recently been depopulated by an epidemic, and that they had only to deal with the shattered rem- nants of the populous and warlike tribes which had once ♦^Bradford. Histonj of P!)jmouth Plantation, Rl— !)3. Mourt's Eolation, in Youmfs Chronicles. The latter account is generally ascribed to Bi-adloixl and Wiuslow. fJO THE FUTURE OF NEW ENGLAND. Ch. VIL i^een masters of the soil. As for themselves, a turn 1621. seemed to have taken place in the tide of their fortunes. April. r^^i^Q ^y.^i^ni summer was coming on, and though deaths still occurred, the mortality was rapidly diminishing. liiaiifurd Amono;st those who died after the departure of the governor. Mayflowcr, was Carver. The colonists instantly elected Bradford to the vacant post of governor. So well did he perform the duties of the office, that he was chosen year after year with scarcely an interruption, till age unfitted him for further service. By his side, ever ready to sup- port his authority, were Standish, now formally installed as military commander, and Winslow, not as yet holding any official position, but recognised as the man whose tongue and pen could be reckoned on if ever the inftmt colony should be menaced with interference from the mother country. In the absence of a regular minister, the services of the Church were conducted under the pre- sidency of Brewster.. For the present at least the exiles had gained the object of their double emigration. With the exception of a few of their number who had joined them at South- ampton, they were, to all appearance, men who were likely to keep at bay the temptations of the world. Peaceful and God-fearing, they had sought to found a society, from which evil should, as far as possible, be ex- cluded. How their hopes were disappointed : — how the world, attracted by their success, came pouring in upon the shores which they had marked as their own; how they rose above temptation, and showed that by sheer force of good- ness they could win the submission of the very men who had wronged them most bitterly, as easily as they could resist with brave endurance the famine and its attendant miseries which burst in upon them once more through the ill-doing of the new comers ; this, and more than this, is written in the first pages of the history of New England. But from all this we are bound to turn away. It is enough for us to ask how England itself was likely to be affecte^ by the principles which had conducted the emigrants ]>rosj.o.t3 .^(^^ross the Atlantic. Ol tollMU- ^ ti"ii ill Iliat a country like England, with its old social distinc- LngiauJ. ^^Qj^p^ j^j^j ^j^^ many-sided life of its redundant population, 1. I THE STATESMEN AND THE PUEITANS. ^^ should ever permanently transform itself after the form -^ - which commended itself to the devout hearts of the Sepa- i^^^- ratists, was manifestly impossible ; and, but for the ex- traordinary blunders of the Government in the next gene- ration, it would have been no less impossible for men possessed by the spirit of Bradford and Brewster to rise even temporarily to authority in the land. But it w^as Robinson no slight indication of the tendency of the age, that at a seideu. time when the question of religious toleration lay at the root of so many difficulties, two men, so opposite in every respect as Eobinson and Selden, should have arrived in- dependently at the conclusion, that the clergy had no right to require the State to exercise coercive jurisdiction in support of their opinions.* .No doubt this concurrence was brought about by arguments of a very different kind. Selden would have restricted the clergy to the use of moral suasion, because he dreaded their encroachments upon the rights of the laity. Eobinson would have asked for the same change because he dreaded lest they should interfere with the free exercise of religious zeal. If Sel- den had had his way, there would have been very little religious zeal left to interfere with. To such a man the one-sideclness, the violence, the very excitement of theo- logical partizanship were eminently distasteful. He looked upon the enthusiasm of Laud, and the enthusiasm of Robinson, as equal nuisances to society. He never forgot that strong feeling contains the germs of possible tyranny over the o|)inions of others, and, in his heart, he fixed his hopes upon a calm and philosophical religion in which, * Amongst tlie articles presented by tlie eniigrants to the King before they obtained leave to sail, and signed by Eobinson and Brewster, were some in which they agreed to respect and obey the bishops, but only on account of their position as officers of the Crown. " We judge it lawful," they say, " for his Majesty to appoint bishops, civil overseers, or officers in authority under him, in the several provinces, dioceses, congregations, or parishes, to oversee the chui'ches and govern them civilly according to the laws of the land, unto whom they are in all things to give an account, and by them to be ordered according to godliness." " The authority of the present bishops in the land we do acknowledge, so far forth as the same is indeed derived from his Majesty unto them, and as they proceed in his name, whom we will also therein honour in all things, and lie in them." " We believe that no synod, classes, convocation, or assembly of eccle- siastical officers hath any power or authority at all, but as the Siime by the magistrate is given unto them." /S. P. Colonial, i. 43. 62 PEOSPECTS OF TOLERATIOX. Cfl. VII. 16^1, The lihi-ral statusineu and the Puritans. tliouoh there might be no fenaticism, there would be but little life. If Eobinson, on the other hand, had had his way, the Engiish Church would have been parcelleci out into a number of independent congregations, the members of which would have treated the mass of their countrymen as unworthy of the very name of Christians. Piety and devotion would have been found accompanied by much narrowness of mind and intolerance of spirit. Fortunately for England, men like Selden and men like Eoljinson were able to work together towards a common end. In the great revolution which was approaching, it was Puritanism which was to play the part of the motive power. It was not enough that men should hold theories about liberty. What was needed was that there should be found men who were ready to dare anything and to suffer anything on behalf of Him whom they called their Lord ; men who could confront kings as beinof themselves the servants of the King of Kings. When such as these had done their work, then would come the part of the calm philosophic statesmen, of the men whose minds were directed to the study of the natural creation, rather than to the contemplation of the perfections of the Creator, and who were quick to mark the moment at which the enthu- siasm of their allies blinded them to the laws of nature, or hurried them on to demand the realisation of an ideal to which the world would be unwilling to submit. ] i CHAPTER VIII. LORD DIGBYS EMBASSY TO VIENNA. By the declaration which had been voted so enthii- Ch. viii. siastically on the 4th of June, the Commons had left to 1620. the King that full liberty of action which he loved so Nov. dearly. They had also left him that of which he was less German}- desirous — the responsibility of acting wisely' — and, un- tattle of fortunately, partly through his o^\m fault, but still more Piague. throuQ-h the faults of others, the chance that he would be able to act wisely had been considerably lessened by the events of the seven months which had elapsed since the battle of Prague. Between Ferdinand and Frederick nothing but distrust Ferdinand was now possible. In the eyes of the Emperor his fugi- derick!^ tive enemy was a mere disturber of the peace whose flagi- tious intrigues must be baffled at any cost. In the eyes of Frederick, Ferdinand was himself a pretender who had been lawfully dethroned, and who now owed his success to the armies and the gold of the King of Spain. Nor were the views with which the rivals regarded their obligations as members of the empire less opposite to one another. Ferdinand held that in virtue of his oflice, he was the guardian of the peace of the empire, and that this peace had been broken by the invasion of his dominions, and by the illegal assumption of one of the seven Electorates. Frederick, on the other hand, held that he had no quarrel with the Emperor as such. He 'had merely defended against an Archduke of Austria the throne which he held by legitimate election. For years political controversy raged around these simple points in an interminable circle. Masses of paper wearisome to read, wearisome even to look at, were piled up by learned controversialists on either side. Each party started from premises which were rejected by the other. C4 PARTIES IN GERMANY. Ch. VIIL and they naturally failed either in convincing their coi 1620. temporaries, or in instructing posterity. ^ov. Keoardless of such techmcahties, the vast majority v'a.Tit Tn' Cr^'i'i^'^ii Protestants had maintained an anxious neutrality Germany, during the Bohemian war. For they saw clearly that Frederick's theories involved the permanent estabhshment of anarchy. If the Emperor was to be nothing more than the nominal head of a federation, bereft even of the authority needed for the repression of private war amongst its members, order could never be preserved. Every prince who coveted his neighbour's lands would easily find an excuse for invading them, whilst the only authority known to the constitution would be powerless to interfere. Yet strong as the disposition was to rally round the Emperor, there were not wanting other considerations to lead thinking men in an opposite direction. That strict law of which Ferdinand had constituted himself the champion, was almost certain to be ruinous to the very existence of Protestantism itself in Germany. From de- claring Frederick to be a traitor, it was but a step to the forfeiture of his lands and dignities. If indeed Frederick, and such as Frederick, had been alone exposed to danger, the world would easily have borne the mishap. But the presence of a new Catholic Elector at the Diets and Assemblies of the EmjDire, could hardly fail to be attended with undesirable consequences, and it was certain that a new Catholic Lord of the Palatinate would make short work with the conscientious convictions of his subjects. The next step would be to demand the restitution of the ecclesiastical lands which had been seized since the peace of Augsburg, and to convert each regained abbey and bishopric into an outpost of Jesuitism. Even if, in re- spect for the letter of the law, the triumphant emperor stopped here, every Protestant knew full well that the tide oi religious aggression would not thus be stayed. Each Protes- tant prince would learn that power had passed to Vienna, and that favour was to be obtained there but in one way If he would only consent to abandon his religion, tht restored ecclesiastical estates would offer bishoj)rics anc canonries for his younger sons. Partial judges would bt ready to listen with open ear to the complaints of ever) «ll THE ELECTOR OF SAXONY. 65 Catholic "wlio had quarrelled with his neighbours. One by one, it was to l)e feared, they Avould drop off into the seductive arms of the Church of Rome, as the Protestant aristocracy were dropping off in France ; and as Wolf- gang William of Neuburg had dropped off in Germany, at the time when his claims upon the Duchy of Cleves stood in need of Catholic assistance. Each apostate in turn would carry with him the legal right of proscribing the religion which his subjects had learned to cherish, and each defection would have closed in more tightly the ever narrowino; circle within which Protestantism could live, and within which alone the free moral and intel- lectual life of the Germany of the future would be able to develope itself. Such were the thoughts, dimly and confusedly pene- trating the minds of the great majority of German Pro- testants. If only John George of Saxony had been capable of translating their inarticulate feelings into prompt and decisive action, he might have won himself a name second to none in the annals of his country. If he could have stood forward at the head of the Princes and people of Northern Germany, to tell the Emperor that he might deal as he pleased with Frederick, but that the frontier of Protestantism must not recede, he would have found no want of support. Unhappily he did nothing of the kind. Knowing full weU the double danger of civil anarchy and ecclesiastical tyranny with which the empire was threatened, he wavered between the two. At one time he was eager for Frederick's complete restitution. At another" time he was eager to see him completely crushed, and after every disappointment, he Avas ready to take refuge in the solace of the hunting-field and the bottle. That which John George might have accomplished with comparative ease, presented far greater difficulties to James. Of course, if he pleased, he might spend any sul)sidies which Parliament might be willing to grant him in increasing the confusion which already weighed so heavily upon that distracted land. But if he wished to do more than this ; if he intended to interfere in the quarrel in the only way in which a foreign power can Ch. VIII, 1620. Nov. Weakness of the Elector of Saxony. Difficul- ties in the way of James. VOL. II. li 66 Ch. viil "1620. Nov. Frederick jiersi st- ent!}' re- news his claims. Frederick's impracticability. hope to interfere to any purpose, namely, by giving strength and solidity to the national will, he would have a hard task before him ; a task of which more than half the difficulty arose from the impracticable temper of his son-in-law. For unhappily, for himself and for his country, Frederick was still living in that dream-land which had so long usurped the place of reality in his mind. To him the de- feat on the White Hill was not the final result of years of anarchy. It was a mere accident of fortune, a military check with which a little perseverance might easily be repaired. His confident belief was still that others would be ready to do that for him which he had made no serious efibrt to accomplish for himself. " The hopes of the King and Queen," wrote Conway, a few days after the battle, " are that their father will do for them now, and not treat." * On the 7th of November the cavalcade of fugitives took refuge in Breslau. On the 11th Frederick issued a manifesto in the form of a letter to the Princes of the Union. Silesia and Moravia, he wrote, were still true to him. Bethlen Gabor was ready to assist him to recover all that had been lost. Let them see that they too were ready to join heart and hand in his cause. If they now refused, the Emperor would soon reoccupy the ecclesias- tical domains by force of arms. I To James he was less explicit. With English aid, he said, his aff"air3 would soon mend. Elizabeth, as was her wont, spoke out her mind, and asked that the help promised for the Palatinate might be extended to Bohemia. J: " I am not yet so out of heart," she wrote a fortnight afterwards to her old friend Carleton, " though I confess we are in an evil estate, but that, as I hope, God will give us again the victory ; for the wars are not ended with one battle, and I hope we shall have better luck in the next. The good news you write of the King my father's declaring himself * Conway to Buckingham, Nov. 18. Harl. MSS. 1580, fol. 281. t Frederick to the Princes of the Union, Nov. 11. Theatrum Euro- panm, i. 454. t Frederick to the King. Elizabeth to the King, Nov. 13. Ellis. Ser. i. 3, 111, 112. THE BAN OF THE EMPIRE. 67 for the Palatinate, I pray God they may be seconded with the same for Bohemia." * Euinous as her counsel was, it was well for her that her brave woman's heart could beat so cheerily in the midst of trouble. She was herself sent away to seek a refuse at Ciistrin to give birth to a child, the little Maurice, who was doubtless loved all the more tenderly for the gloom amidst which his stormy life began.f Bad news was coming in almost every day. The Moravians, it seemed, were ready to make their peace with Ferdi- nand. Frederick, blind to much, could see that the ground was slipping from beneath his feet. There were those in Breslau who were ah-eady muttering that it would be better to come to terms with the Elector of Saxony. Frederick's fears got the better of him. He told the Estates of Silesia that he would leave them for the pre- sent ; but he would soon be back with powerful allies to support his cause. ' If they wished to send commissioners to treat with the Saxons, he would make no objection. Such a negotiation, he privately added to those who were in his confidence, would serve to gain time till he was able to return with an army at his back. J On the 23rd of December he left Breslau for ever, not forgetting to despatch an embassy to John George to demand a cessa- tion of arms, and to ask for assistance to drive the Em- peror out of Bohemia. To this impertinence the Elector replied by a solemn lecture on the recognition which his adversary's right had received from Providence, and by a well-timed admonition to make his submission to the Emperor before it was too late.§ On the 12th of January, the day before this answer was given at Dresden, the ban of the empire was pro- nounced at Vienna against Frederick and his principal followers. They were declared to have forfeited theii' lands and dignities, whilst the execution of the sen- tence was significantly entrusted to the Duke of Bavaria, Cn. VIII. 1620. December. He leaves Silesia. 1621. January. The ban pro- nounced against liim. * Elizabeth to Carleton, Nov. 27. S. P. Holland. t Nethersole to Niumton, Dec. 4. S. P. Germany. X Frederick to the Estates of Silesia, Dec. 12, Dec. 23. Londorp, ii. 237. Nethersole to Naunton, March 19, 1G21. iS. P. Germany. § Theatram Europccum, i. 462. F 2 6S UNPOPULARITY OF FREDERICKS CAUSE. Ch- vni. ^vlio Avas eager to put himself, if possible, in possession 1621. of both. .Tauuary. ^g g^^^ ^g ^]^q j^g^yg ^yas published, a shriek of horror arose from the whole circle of Frederick's partisans. It was only after a legal trial, they said, that the ban could lawfully be proclaimed. Ferdinand's reply was that this might well be the case in time of peace ; but it was noto- rious that Frederick had levied war against the Emperor, and it was no less notorious that he had not the slightest intention of submitting to any form of trial whatever. Whether Ferdinand were technically in the right or not, it is certain that legal formalities had been too often un- blushingly disregarded by Frederick and his supporters to justify them in interpreting them very strictly in their own favour.* On the day on which the ban was pronounced Frederick was riding out of Custriu to urge the princes of Lower Saxony to take arms on his behalf. f Yet he had not been left altoo^ether without a warnino-. Kusdorf, one of his ablest councillors, had written earnestly to dissuade him from his imprudence. The foreign powers in which he trusted, he told him, would be sure to fail him in the end. The wound in Bohemia was mortal, and no re- covery was possible there. Of the Palatinate he could speak from personal experience. Soldiers and officers were alike intent upon their own private aims. There was not one amono^st them who believed in the goodness of the cause for which he was fighting. The country Avas laid desolate by its own defenders. It was to be feared that the inhabitants would, in sheer self-defence, break out into open sedition. The Union, at aU. events, would Rusdorfs advice. * The clause in the Capitulation which Ferdmand was said to have hroken is the following one : — " Wir sollen und wollen auch fiirkoni- men und keines Wegs gestatten dasz nun hinturo jemand hohes oder niedriges Stands Churliirst, Fiirst, oder anderer, LTrsach auch unverhort, in die Acht und Oberacht gethan, bracht, oder erklail werde ; sondern in Kolchem onh-ntliclien Procesz, und des H. R. R. in gemeldetem 55ter Jahr refonnirten Cammergerichtftordnung, und darauff erfolgter Reichs Abschied in dem gehalten und vollzogen werde, jedoch dem Beschadigteu seine Gegenwelr verniog des Landfriedens unabriicliig." Limnseus, Capitu- Ifttiniies, riBl. See for Ferdinand's \-iew of the case, his reply to the Danish Ambassadors. Londorp, ii. ,392. t Nethersole to Naunton, Jan. 19. S. P. Germany. f I HIS REPLY TO SIE E. VILLTERS. 69 certainly break clown as soon as it was exposed to real Ch. Vlll . danger.'"' I621. To the truth coming from one of his own ministers J''»n"arv. Frederick could refuse to listen. To Sir Edward ViUiers, f^'i°'' "*" who met him at Wolfenbiittel with a message from the ViUiers. King of England, he was unable to close his ears ; for he knew well that, unless James took up his cause, there would be few indeed amongst the princes of Germany who would venture to declare in his favour. Frederick listened to Yilliers, and announced in a letter ^J^: , , Q6riCK, s to his father-in-law the result of his conversation. " What- promises, ever has been done," he wrote, " proceeded from a good in- tention. If it had pleased Gocl to grant me success, the ■\\ hole party of the religion would have been relieved ; but since this has not been the will of God, it is for me to take the good and the evil at His hand ; and although I hoped, with His aid, and with the assistance of your IMajesty and the other princes and states of the religion, to regain what I had lost, holding still, as I do, Silesia and several towns in Bohemia, yet, seeing by your letter that you incline rather to an accommodation, I am ready to follow your good counsels and commands." f Even if Frederick had meant what he said, there was a studied vagueness about his lano-iiao-e which auourecl ill for the success of James's negotiations. But the truth was, that the enojao-ement thus wrunsr from him was no indica- tion of his real intentions. Two days after his promise February. was thus given to his father-in-law he wrote to Mansfeld S^'Mai'ilf/ to assure him that he would never surrender his kingdom I'eid. of Bohemia. He had justice on his side, and he would soon win back all that he had lost.| Frederick was, within the limitations of his own narrow mind, thoroughly consistent with himself. Utterly to de- stroy the German branch of the House of Austria ; to convert the empbe into a federation of independent princes, amongst which the stronger would find no restrictions upon their desire to prey upon their weaker * Rusdorf. ConsiUa et Keriotia, 8. The same desponding feeling is to be traced in the letters of Camerarius. Soltl. Kuliqionsl-rieq, iii. 105 — 115. t Frederick to the King, Jan. 31. Hurl. AfSS. 1583, fol."219. X Frederick to Mansfield, Feb. 2. Londorp, ii. 377. 70 FREDEMCK AT SEGEBERG. Ch. YIII. neighbours, and to establisli tlie supremacy of Protes- 1621. tantism, and especially of its Calvinistic form, by force February. Qf amis, wcre the objects at which his father had aimed, and to the attainment of which, with such reserves as sufficed to conceal from his own mind the iniquity of his proceedings, he had himself directed his course. No doubt there are higher rights than those of kings and emperors. No doubt injustice receives no consecra- tion from the successful efforts of pikemen and musketeers. But what Frederick forgot was that his enemies were not confined to those who looked for inspiration to Munich or Vienna. He had alienated his own allies ; he had converted the lukewarm into hostile antagonists ; he had dragged in the dust the great cause of German Pro- testantism. Prudent politicians stood aloof from his rash and impatient violence ; sober and religious men shrunk from accepting the advocacy of a champion whose victory would have destroyed much and founded nothing. Whilst Frederick was imagining that he had only to contend with the armies of Ferdinand and Maxi- milian he had in reality a far harder battle to fio-ht : for he had to convince his fellow Protestants that he could protect their religious independence without converting Germany into a den of thieves. . The As- Meanwhile the King of Denmark and the other princes st^Vber". ^f ^-'^^ Lower Saxon Circle were assembled at Segeberg to listen to Frederick's proposals. The selfish and unprin- cipled Christian IV. thought of little else than the retention of the secularised Church property which he had got into his possession, but he was shrewd enough to perceive how the settlement of that question had been retarded by Frederick's proceedings in Bohemia. " Who advised you," he called out savagely to the fugitive Prince, "to drive out kings and to seize kingdoms. If your coun- cillors did so, they were scoundrels." He then told him plainly, as Villiers had told him before, that, if he wanted help, he must submit to the Emperor. When he had done that, he might expect aid to drive Spinola from the Palatinate. A day or two after this scene, Christian had cooled down. Frederick, ostensibly at least, consented to give mission. THE DANISH LOAN. 71 lip his cliiims to Boliemia, and was iuformed in return Ch. VIII. that a Danish embassy would be sent to ask for peace at i62i. Vienna. If that failed, the princes of Lower Saxony February, would not desert him. * Before the assembly broke up, Sir Eobert Anstruther Ansti-u- arrived from England. He had come to ask Christian 1,,^^^^, for a fresh loan of 25,000?., of which 5000/. were to be at once repaid as interest due upon the loan of the preced- ingc summer, whilst the remainder was to be made over to Elizabeth as a present from her father. Anstruther found that the King of Denmark had httle faith in the success of the proposed embassy to Vienna, and that he was looking forward to a campaign on the Khine in con- junction with England and the Netherlands. " By God," he said, laying his hand familiarly on the Ambassador's shoulder as he spoke, " this business is gone too far to think it can be redressed with words only. I thank God we hope, with the help of his Majesty of Great Britain and the rest of our friends, to give unto the Count Pala- tine good conditions. If ever we do any good for the liberty of Germany and religion it is now time."t After some weeks' delay Anstruther obtained his money,:|: and the 20,000/. was duly paid over to Eliza- beth. From Segebero; Frederick set out for the Ha2;ue,S where March, the Prince of Oranoe was waiting to receive him T\dth ^ liters open arms. It was not what his lather-m-law would Frederick have wished. He had charged Villiers to recommend Jj^^p^ia. him to betake himself at once to the Palatinate, and he tiuate. had sent orders to Carleton to prevent him from coming to England. II Such advice, though doubtless in part in- sph'ed by fear lest Frederick should place himself at the head of the Parliamentary opposition, was probably, but for Frederick's o\\ti weakness of character, the best that could be given. In HoUand the exile would be breathing an * IMiiller. Forschungen, iii. 468. t Anstruther to Calvert, March 10. S. P. Denmark. The expressions given are taken from difteient parts of a long liarangue. J Slange. Gesch. Christians IV. iii. 170. § Carleton to Nethersole, March 5. Carleton to Calvert, Mai-ch 8. S. P. Holland. II The King to Carleton, Jan. 25. Calvert to Carleton, March 1. S. P. Holland. 72 FREDERICKS SCHEMES. Ch. VIII. atmosphere of war ; in England lie would be far removed 1621. from the scene of action. At Heidelberg his presence March, would havc scrvcd to keep his subjects in heart in their hour of trial, and it would have given emphasis to his assertions that he had ceased to seek for anything beyond the preservation of his own domains.* Frede- Frederick's reply to Villiers' proposition was not en- rick's courao-ing to those who wished well to his cause. He ^^^^^^'' must first, he said, go to the Hague, that he might place his wife and children in a place of safety. He would then be ready to return to the Palatinate, " so that his Majesty may be speedily assisted with a good army either .of his Majesty of Great Britain or of the States, that he may be able to bring with him some comfort and ease to his subjects who languish in expectation thereof. For, if he should go otherwise, and in his own person only, that would get his Majesty very little reputation, and would encourage the Marquis Spinola to assail the Pala- tinate so much the more earnestly, and to send his Ma- jesty back thither whence he came with shame enough to himself and to all them to whom his Majesty hath the honour to be so nearly allied. And withal, if his Majesty should go in that manner, the Princes of the Union would retire themselves every one to his own house, leaving the defence of the Palatinate, and the charge of the army, upon his Majesty's hands, which would undoubtedly cause the total ruin and subversion of all his Majesty's estates and of his person, and would make him at once lose all his friends and allies. Which considerations being of consequence, his Majesty doth promise himself that his Majesty of Great Britain, exa- mining them maturely, will not only approve them, but also esteem this his retreat into the Low Countries to be good and necessary ; and favour him so much with his forces that he may return into the Palatinate, not only with reputation, but with some good effect, by God's help, as he doth most humbly beseech his Majesty, promising himself that such a resolution would serve * It is curious that the Dutch for opposite reasons did not wish him to visit England. "We do not think," wrote Carleton, " the Kiiig will discountenance his affairs in Germany by crossing the seas." JAMES AND HIS DAUGHTER. 73 for an example, not only to the Union, but also to tlie Ch. Vlll. King of Denmark, the States, and others, to take a i62i. good and a vigorous resolution together, which is very March, necessary for all those that have made a separation from the Papacy."* Frederick, it would seem, was Frederick still. No man could be more eager to summon armies from the ends of the earth to fight in his cause. No man could be more unable to define satisfactorily what the cause was for which he wanted them to fight. From a proposal that he should place himself at the head of .the troops of the Union, he shrunk as he would have shrunk from the plague. It would endanger his reputation. It would encourage his enemies to assail him more bitterly. If Ferdinand had reasoned so when Thurn was thundering at the gates of Vienna, Frederick would still have been in comfortable enjoyment of the delights of Bohemian royalty. Whatever may be thought of the advice 2:iven by P'f-^l^f ' James to Frederick, nothing but sheer timidity can to visit account for his behaviour to Elizabeth. Durins; her ^"oiauJ. journey from Ciistrin she had allowed it to be under- stood that she wished to take refuge with- her father.f James was struck with alarm. He had enough to do to keep the war party in check, and he could not bear to think that his daughter's winnino- smiles would be placed in the balance against him.:j: Carleton was there- fore told that the journey must be stopj^ed at all hazards. § It is probable that some intimation of her father s repugnance to her visit was conveyed to Eliza- beth by her friends ; for her language suddenly changed, and she now declared positively that nothing on earth would induce her to cross the sea to England. || * The paper is at the end of the February bundle of the Holland State Papers. It is without a date, but is in Nethersole's hand. As Nethersole was in the train of Elizabeth, I suppose the answer must have been given about the middle of March. t Carleton to Calvert, March 8. .9. P. Holland. + Tilliere's Despatch, March. - . Baumer, ii. 308. § The King to Carleton, March 13. >S'. P. Holland. II Nethersole to Carleton, March 24. S. P. Holland. Amongst these State Papers, there is a note in the handwriting of one of Sir J. Wil- liamson's clerks stating that James had invited hev and her husband to 74 FREDERICK IN HOLLAND. Ch. viil Qj^ i\^Q ^i]^ of April, escorted by a convoy of Dutch 1621. soldiers, the King of Bohemia, as he still persisted in March, calling himsclf, rode into the Hague. He was received Frederick T^yit}^ all hoiiour. The Princc of Orange placed his own Hague. house at Breda at his disposal ; and in the town itself, the mansion of Count Frederick Henry was assigned to him as a residence.* Policy of Wise intervention in German affairs was evidently not James. g^ ^^gy g^g -j-j^g majority of Englishmen supposed. But, in the main, James's policy was undoubtedly the right one. To compel Frederick to renounce the crown of Bohemia, and at the same time to form an alliance strong enough to defend the Palatinate, was the only combina- tion which offered a prospect of success. As usual, it was in the execution rather than in the conception that James's arrangements broke down utterly. He ought to have forced his son-in-law to notify to the world by a renunciation of the Bohemian crown that he was ready to conform to the conditions under which alone he could hope to maintain his hereditary domains. He ought to have made such preparations for war as would have, convinced friends and enemies that now at last he was] in earnest. Instead of this; he allowed the weeks to slip" away, leaving everything to chance, and to the evil de- signs of men who wished for their own selfish purposes to see the ^prolongation of the war. Desire of Amougst thcsc, Contrary to the general belief in Eng- ^eace ^"' laiid, the Spanish Government was not to be reckoned. Early in January, Philip, or those who acted in his name, had expressed to the Archduke Albert the anxiety with which the continuance of hostilities was regarded at Madrid. Perhaps, wrote Philip, he might obtain repayment of his expenses by means of the confisca- tions in Bohemia. . Perhaps a contribution might be levied in the Palatinate itself. At any rate, it would be impossible for him long to continue to bear this intoler- able burden. As for the Elector Palatine, if he was to England. This may have been taken from some letter now lost, but in the face of the despatches just quoted, I cannot accej^t it as a true ac- count of the case, unless, indeed, on the unlikely supposition that an invitation was given earlier and then retracted. * Theatrum Europceum, i. 508. peace. p THE PRINCES OF THE UNIOX. 75 be restored, he must renounce the crown of Bohemia, C.'h. VIII. and must forsake the Protestant Union. Care must be i62i. taken to restrain the Duke of Bavaria from pressing his Jaauary. claims to the Electorate. Perhaps the difhculty might be arranged by allowing the two families an alternative voice in the College.* When such were the opinions of the King of Spain, expressed not in formal cliplomatic language, but in private and confidential intercourse, it can hardly admit of a doubt that if Frederick had really given up the shadow of the Bohemian crown, and had offered guarantees for his peaceable behaviour in future, he might have had anything else that he could reasonably ask for. Philip's poverty, if not his will, would have given consent. The burden of James's inertness fell heavily upon February. Morton, who presented himself in the beginning of Hdibroun February before the Assembly of the Union at Heil- bronn, having brought with him 30,000/., and a few vague promises. He was told that the struggle could not be continued on these conditions. It Avas true that the ban against Frederick was illegal, and they had sent an am- bassador to Vienna to remonstrate against it. But they had no money left. The toA\Tis were falling off from the cause. The troops were melting away, and no more than 11,000 men were still under arms. They hoped, there- fore, that the States would send them a force of 6000 men, and James would allow them 30,000/. a month till he was prepared to do something more.| By James the demand thus made was received with complete indifference. His preparations for war had been limited to an order to increase the stock of arms in the Tower, and to an inquiry made through Carleton as to the possibility of procuring in Holland the ecpiipments of an army of 10,000 or 12,000 men.J Very different were the feelings of the Dutch States- January, men, by whom the whole chart of continental politics Dut.'h Comiais- * Philip III. to the Archduke, Jan. ^^. Philip III. to Oiiate, Jan. ^^, JKi- Brussels MSS. t Morton's Proposition. ]\Iemorial delivered to Morton. S. P. Gerniany. I Caron to the States General, Jan. 11. Add. MSS. 17,677 K, fol. 91. Calvert to Carleton, Feb. ^7. S. P. Holland. 76 Ch. VIII. 1621. January. sioners in England. Eeply of James. February. They apply to Bucking- ham. The ^ King's liiiai an.swer. THE DUTCH COMMISSIONERS. was not unnaturally regarded tlirougli the medium of their own quarrel with Spain. In January, the States- Geueral had sent over to England, a body of Commis- sioners charged to exjiress their views. The truce with Spain, they said, would be at an end in April, and for them at least war was inevitable. Germany and the Protestant religion were in the utmost danger, and they wished to know what were the intentions of the Kins; of England. From such categorical demands James was always anxious to escape. In his distress he caught at the excuse which was afforded him by the state of affairs in the East. Though the treaty of 1619 had been accepted by the Dutch authorities in those seas, differences of opinion had arisen upon the interpretation of some of its clauses. There was one dispute as to the right of the Dutch to erect a fort at Batavia. There was another dispute about the value of the captured goods to be restored. The English company had sent Commissioners to Amsterdam, but no satisfaction could be had. James, accordingly, instead of givT-iig a plain answer to the plain question which had been put to him, rated the Dutchmen soundly for having nothing to say upon these points, or upon the equally difficult question of the herring fishery. " In despair, the Commissioners applied to Buckingham. He listened to their complaints, but, according to their report, he did not seem to know much about the affairi of Germany. The King, he said, was ready to risk his own life, and the life of his son, in the defence of the- Palatinate ; but there was no hurry about the matter. " In fact," he concluded by saying, " the Palatinate is by this time pretty well lost. When a good opportunity arrives, the King will try to recover it." Such was the tone in which Buckingham allowed himself to speak of a question upon which depended the peace of Europe for a generation. Once more the Commissioners turned to the King. They assured him that the States were ready to do their utmost in the defence of the Palatinate, and they begged James to support them by a diversion in Flanders, an I SPAIN AND THE NETHERLANDS. 77 operation wliicli they represented as certain to be followed Gh. VIII. by the recall of Spinola from Germany.* The same I62i. advice was repeated at the Hague w^ith even more dis- February. tinct emphasis by the Prince of Orange in a conversation with Carleton.l To Maurice, James did not vouchsafe an answer. To the Commissioners he replied with studied rudeness. He informed them that he had nothing to say to them about the truce, as they understood their own affairs better than he did. As soon as they had obtained full j)owers to treat about the herring fishery, and other matters of I the kind, he would be ready to give them information as to his intentions respecting the Palatinate. J It was not right that such a question shoidd have Theexpi- been shuffled out of sight by so palpable a subterfuge. thJ°nice But James was probably justified in reo-arding with sus- ^" *'^'' ■ • 4-1 -1 r 1 1 1 1 ^ • Nether- picion tne councils oi men who had so deep an interest lands. in the prolongation of the war. In April the truce of Antwerp would have run its course, and it was no secret that the Spaniards intended, if possible, to A^Ting from the Dutch the abandonment of the East India trade, the opening of the Scheldt, and a guarantee of liberty of worship to the Koman Catholics, as the price of its re- newal. In the meanwhile, Maurice, fearing lest the inland provinces, which had less immediate interest than Holland and Zealand in the commerce of the Eepublic, might prove lukewarm when the time of temptation came, was casting about for the best means of defeatino- the machinations of his ancient enemy, when the very opportunity which he sought was brought within his reach. There was a certain Madame Tserclaes, an elderly lady, intrigues li^dng at Brussels, who had been frec|uently employed in p,i^,J;,g ^f conveying secret political messages across the frontier. Orange. This time she was directed to seek out Maurice himself, ' and to win him over, if possible, to second the designs of the King of Spain. In the proposal Maurice saw no- thing but an attempt upon his fidehty to the Eepublic, * Report of the Dutch Commissioners. Add. MSS. 22,863, fol. 1—88 t Carleton to Calvert, Feb. 26. S. P. Holland. X Answer of the Privy Council, ^|j^. Add. MSS. 22,863, fol. 103. 78 MISSION OF PECQUIUS. Ch. VIII. 1621. March. Pecquius at the Hague. and determining to meet guile with guile, lie assured his visitor that he longed for nothing more than a complete reconciliation with Philip. The unexpected news was at once carried to Brussels, and was transmitted without delay to Madrid. The bait was eagerly taken. Madame Tserclaes spent her whole time during the winter months in passing backwards and forwards between Brussels and the Hague. Maurice redoubled his professions of devo- tion to the King of SjDain, and engaged to do all in his power to induce the States to return to their allegiance. Under other circumstances, it is possible that his lan- guage might have been regarded with suspicion even by Spaniards, slow as they usually were to detect imposture when it was covered by profuse declarations of devotion to the puppet sovereign who nominally ruled them. But since the Arminian troubles they had been accustomed to take for granted the extreme weakness of the Ee- public, and they seem to have imagined that Maurice was only using common prudence in attempting to escape from the ruin of a falling house.* The consequences of the implicit faith now placed at Madrid in the Prince of Orange were not long in show- ing themselves. On the 8th of March, it was announced that Pecquius, the Chancellor of Brabant, would shortly arrive at the Hague with a j)roposition from the Arch- dukes. Immediately it was seen that Maurice was right in foreseeing a division in the counsels of the Eepublic. The Deputies of Holland and Zealand urged that not even bare civility should be shown to the ambassador. The other five provinces were in favour of exhausting all honourable means before the prospect of a renewal of the truce was finally abandoned. Maurice, whose word on such a question was law, gave his voice in favour of the reception of the ambassador with all due respect. At the same time he took care to raise expectation, by spreading the most favourable rumours of the probable issue of the negotiation. Madame Tserclaes, he gave out, had assured him that not only would peace be secured * The evidence of all this is contained in a series of letters, too nu-B merous to quote separately, in the Spanish correspondence of the Arch- duke with Philip III. in the Brvissels Archives. They are spread over the whole of the winter months. EXPIEATION OF THE TRUCE OF ANTWERP. 79 to the Netherlands, but that all reasonable satisfaction Ch. VIIL would be given with regard to the Palatinate.* i62i. On the 12th Pecquius arrived. The next day he was March. admitted to the Assembly of the States General. To the utter consternation of all but the one man who held the thread of the intrigue, the Ambassador made a formal demand that the provinces should return to their alle- giance. To such words there could be but one reply. Pecquius was ordered to leave the territory of the Ke- public without delay. "j" Maurice had gained his end. Such an insult was re- Renewal sented equally by Calvinist and Arminian ; by the seamen °[ *^® of Holland, and the farmers of Utrecht. The Archduke had supposed that if his first proposition were rejected, there would be time to negotiate uj^on a fresh l^asis.J He now found that he had roused a spirit which made all negotiation impossible. Thoroughly as the Spanish ministers had been duped, Disi.y's it was not for men whose whole diplomacy was one vast Bruss°Jis^° network of intrigue, to complain of the wrong which they had received. Nor, to do them justice, did they show any signs of vexation. AVhen, on the 7th of March, just as Pecquius was starting for the Hague, Digby arrived at Brussels on a preliminary mission before setting of!" to negotiate peace at Vienna, he was received with open arms. He came to ask for a suspension of arms in the Palatinate. The King of Spain, he was told, would inot be unwilling to restore the Palatinate, if he could be assured that James would " contribute all good offices j of perfect amity and alliance, and particularly not more ito esteem the friendship of the Hollanders than his."§ To this Digby, who wanted to bring the Dutch to com- ,mercial concessions through fear of Spain, and the ' Spaniards to political concessions through fear of Holland, raised no objection. He was then informed that the Arch- duke would give his good word on behalf of Frederick's re-establishment in the Palatinate, and would order * Carleton to Calvert, March 8, 10, 13. ,S'. P. Holland. t Aitzema. Suken van Staet en Oorlog, i. 36. t The Archduke Albert to Philip III. ^P^l Bnmels MSS. ^ March 2 § Digby to Buckingham, ]\Iarch 14. Clarendon State Papas, i. App. i. 80 DEATH OF THE KING OF SPAIN. ^^- "^ill- Spinola to make arrangements for a suspension of arms. 1621. Digby accordingly returned to London under the impres- March. siou that the Court of Brussels was " very desirous and ready to give satisfaction.* Nor was he mistaken. For the Archduke had just written to assure Philip that he had been well satisfied with the prospect of a pacification opened by Digby, as Spinola's troops would now be wanted nearer home.! Death of On the 21st of Marcli, the very day on which this letter Philip III. ^^g^g written, the sovereign to whom it was addressed, breathed his last at Madrid. J Soon it was rumoured that whilst he was on his deathbed, words of no light import had fallen from his lips. The Infanta had been summoned to her fatlier's presence. " Maria," he said, " I am sorry that I must die before I have married you ; but your brother will take care of that." He then turned to his son. " Prince," he added, " do not forsake her till you have made her an empress."§ The calculations and intrigues of so many years had been wiped away by the approach of death. The promise which he had given, six months before, to Khevenhliller, that his daughter should become the wife of the Archduke Ferdinand, the future Emperor Ferdinand III., had alone branded itself upon his memory. || Philip IV. The new king, Philip IV., was a mere lad. Unlike his • father, he took delight in bodily exercises. His chief pleasure was in the hunting-field. For politics he cared little or nothing, leaving all matters of state to those who understood them, whilst he was intent upon the higher work of keeping himself amused. The favourite com- panion of his pleasures was the Count of Olivares, and it was soon known that the whole stream of honours and promotions would flow through that channel. Affairs of state were committed to Balthazar de Zuniga, the uncle of the new favourite, a man of ability and integrity, who * Didw to Carleton, March 23. Answer of the Archdukes, *£2I£M*. _, April 3 S. p. Flanders. t The Archduke Albert to Philip III., March ^- Brussels MSS. 31 J Aston to Calvert, March - • S. P. Spain. § Gabala, 223. II Vol. i. p. 351. SUBMISSION OF THE UNION. 81 had formerly served as ambassador at tlie Imperial Court, Ch. Vlll. and who was inclined from principle to do all that could i62i. safely be done to advance the power of the House of ^i-'^id'- Austria and the Church of Rome. Under these circumstances James naturally conceived ^r^'i^- some anxiety, and directed Aston to inquire wdiat were receives the intentions of the young king. The ambassador was fnendiy met with overwhelming assurances of goodwill, and was ances. told that whatever the late sovereign might have said, Philip IV. was most anxious to go on vigorously with the marriage treaty.* Undoubtedly no one but James would have been likely to accept these profuse exj^ressions of goodwill as con- veying the real feeling of the Spanish ministers. But even to a more cautious politician, they would not have been without their use. For taken in connection w^ith the circumstances in which the Spanish monarchy was placed, they would at least have served as indications of the value which was placed at Madrid upon the friend- ship of the King of England. In truth it was in Pro- The disso- testant Germany far more than in Spain that the dangers ^f^'^i^'^ were to be found upon which James's mediation was Uniou. likely to be wrecked. Frederick's obstinate retention of the Royal title on the one hand, and the menaces of Spinola on the other, were beginning to produce their natural effect upon the Union. The ardent Landgrave of Hesse Cassel had been compelled to keep the peace by his own subjects, who would not hear of his making war against the Emperor. The cities were the next to give way. They had entered the Union in order to defend them- selves and their religion against aggression, and they had no idea of following Frederick in a crusade against the Emperor, in which, to them at least, success or defeat would be equally ruinous. Without the money and supplies which the towns alone were able to furnish, the Princes saw no prospect of being able to carry on the war, and on the 2nd of April, a treaty was signed at Mentz, by which they engaged to withdraw their troops from the Palati- nate, and to dissolve the tie by which their Union had * Aston to the King, Aiml 14. Harl. MSS. 1580, fol. 8. Francisco de Jesus, .32. VOL. II. O 82 SUSPENSION OF HOSTILITIES. Ch. VIII. i^een formed. On the otlier hand, Spinola agreed to i<52i. suspend hostilities till the 4th of May, and this conces- Aprii- sion was expressly declared to have been granted at the request of the King of England.''' Such was the ignominious end of the alliance which, under better guidance, might have served as the advanced guard of Protestantism in Germany. Many were the gibes, written and spoken, which were circulated at the expense of that now contemptible body. Yet, if all that is known to us had been known to contemporaries, it w^ould have been upon the early rather than upon the later history of the confederacy, that contempt would have been poured. Diverted from its ostensible objects to extract from the pockets of peace-loving and orderly citizens the means of carrying on an aggressive and revo- lutionary policy, it broke up into its original fragments, as soon as men learned from experience to understand some- thing of the deceit which had been practised upon them. May. The dissolution of the Union would not have been Fredenck "vvithout its ffood cfFccts if Frederick had been induced by persists 111 , ,^ ... *^ opposi- it to reconsider his own position. No doubt as long as *^°^* he contented himself with fixing his eyes merely upon the enemy's proceedings, there was every reason to induce him to persist in his opposition; for we may well believe that it was something more than personal vanity which made him loath to surrender the crown of Bohemia. The cause of his fellow Protestants, whose interests he had striven to serve after his blind, ignorant fashion, was still at stake. If he did not re-appear to save them, his trustiest supporters would soon be hurried to the scaffold, and the clergy who had besieged the gates of heaven with prayers for his success would be thrust forth into poverty and exile. Nor was the position of Protestantism in the Empire free from danger. It was now well known that the Emperor intended to convoke an assembly of German princes to meet at Ratisbon, and it was generally believed that he would ask them to sanction the transference of Frederick's Electorate to the Duke of Bavaria. Yet if Frederick really wished to prevent this unhappy consummation, he ought to have known that, without assistance from his * Haberlin, xxv. 32. Londorp, ii. 382. PUBLIC OPINION IN GERMANY. 83 coimtiymen, lie was powerless to effect his purposes- Ch. Vlii. From one end of Germany to another, wherever public i62i. opinion had found a voice to express it, a steady determi- May. nation had been manifested to remain faithful to the Em- peror. On this point, the burghers of Strasburg and Ulm were of one mind with the Elector of Saxony, and with the knightly vassals of the Landgrave of Hesse Cassel. For in the institutions of the Empire, they all saw the only remain- ing barrier against anarchy, the only possible guarantee that disputes between the States would be decided by some sort of law, and not by the sword. * If Frederick could satisfy this feeling, he might yet hope to stand at the head of a powerful party of his countrymen. If he could not, there was nothing left for him but to become the tool of foreign nations, who saw with delight whatever misery afforded them a prospect of weakening the strength of Germany. How ready the nation would have been to raUy round Proposal him, is nowhere more ajDparent than in the recej)tion [r^nsier which was accorded by members of the Imperial party to ence of the Ferdinand's proposition for the transference of the Elec- ^^^^*°^^*^' torate by members of his own party. Amongst the Catholic f)relates, there was none who had stronger per- sonal reasons for desiiing the overthrow of the great CVahdnist juince, whose territories bordered so closely on his own, than the Elector of Mentz. Yet the first hint that the scheme had been seriously entertained at Vienna, was sufficient to fill him with alarm. He wrote at once to Ferdinand to implore him to desist from so rash an enterprise. It would, he said, be certain to throw into the arms of Frederick many of those who had hitherto held aloof. The Elector of Treves expressed himself in almost similar terms. Onate, speaking on behalf of the King of Spain, was as decided in his opposition; and John George of Saxony began to talk of the infringement of the Golden Bull, which would be the result if the Emperor's inten- tions were carried out. Even Ferdinand's own council recommended at least the postponement of the mea- * Watch.\vords are not \Yortli much as an indication of piu'pose ; but they point to the state of feeling in the public to which the appeal is made. It is, therefore, worth noticing that whereas " Die Deutsche Libertat " is the often recurring formula in the State papers of one party ; " Die Liebe Justitia," is its correlative on the other side. G 2 84 PEESISTEXCY OF FEEDEPJCK. 1G21. May. Frede- rick's manifesto. Ch. yiit. sure.* It needed two years of bitter experience to con- vince these men that Frederick was indeed incorrigible, and that neither peace nor order was possible so long as he was allowed to set foot within the limits of the Empire. Meanwhile, a few weeks after his arrival at the Hague, Frederick issued a manifesto, in which he made known liis intentions to his countrymen, and demanded that a general amnesty should precede the meeting of the Assembly at Eatisbon. The difference between the amnesty which he thus demanded, and the submission for which the Emperor asked, may seem but slight. Yet in reality it contained within its limits the whole matter in dispute. For submission implied that civil war between the states was a wrong done to the Emperor, whilst an amnesty implied simply that peace had been made be- tween contending parties. In other words, Ferdinand and Frederick were divided on the important question, whether the Empire were a reality or a fiction. I Of any readiness to sacrifice himself for the public good, not a trace is to be found in Frederick's manifesto. Nor is this to be wondered at ; for he had recently sent Nethersole to England, to beg for speedy aid for the defence of the Palatinate, and he had directed him to suo;g;est that when he renounced his own claims to Bohemia, he should be allowed to reserve those of his son, who had been elected as his successor during his occupation of the throne, and to ask that he might not be required to promise to abstain from fresh attacks upon the House of Austria. 1 Infatuated as was Frederick's notion of fighting his battle without winning the moral sympathies of his coun- trymen, there was equal infatuation in James's belief that the conflict could be aUayed by words alone. He had ah-eady obtained from the Archduke a prolongation of * Hurter. Gesch. Ferdinands 11., ix. 155. t Frederick to the Electors, May ^^- Londorp, ii. 444. X " His Majesty of Bohemia may happily find it strange, that, in setting down the heads of my proposition, I have wholly omitted a very principal iiart of one of them, and maimed another ; to wnt, the demanding whether las Majesty should renounce the crown of Bohemia in the name of his chil- dren as well as his ovm, and liis desiring not to be obliged never hereafter to attempt anything against the House of Austria." Nethersole to Carleton, May 2. S. P. Holland. Kether- sole's mis- sion to England. Proceed- ings of James. FEEDERICK AND MANSFELD. 85 the truce in the Palatinate, and. in addition to the money ^^iJ^^- which he had borrowed from the King of Denmark, he now i^^^- sent to his son-in4aw a present of 20,000/.* But here ^^^>'- his active interference stopped. Long afterwards, Chris- tian IV. bitterly complained that James had blamed his warlike preparations as a hindrance to the success of the Enolish neootiations, and that he had been cbiven to dis- band his forces by the coldness with which his overtm^es had been received in London. f In the meantime not the slightest effort was made to secure the co-operation of the Elector of Saxony, though his policy was almost identical with that which James was now pursuing. Yet sluggish as he was, so clearly w^ere James's ideas in accordance with the pubhc opinion of Germany, that it is not improbable that if he had had to deal with nothing more dangerous than the intemperate language of his son- in-law^, he would have been able to effect something by his mediation. Unfortunately this was not the case. In his obstinate belief that nothing could be done excepting by the sword, Frederick had been drawing more closely the bonds which united him to the man who was certain to bring his cause into greater disrepute than any folly of which he was himself capable. Ernest Count of Mansfeld was a soldier of fortune. of^S^^us^/ Utterly deficient in those moral cjualities which contribute feid. so much to the character of a great general, he was never wiUing to subordinate his own interests to the public good. For there is nothing; which goes so far to make a com- mander of the first class as the power of self-abnegation. He must bear to be misrepresented and traduced. He must be ready to work in harmony with, or even in sub- ordination to, men whose behaviour is most distasteful to him. He must form no schemes, however glorious, which he does not believe himself capable of carrying into exe- cution. He must be ready to relinquish the most assm-ed success, if he sees that it will stand in the way of the ultimate interests of the cause for which he is fiohtino-. Of all this Mansfeld knew nothing. He was capable of * The King to Frederick, April 16 [?]. Add. MSS. 12,485, fol. 69. t Answer of Christian IV. to Dohna. Londorp, ii. 608. Christian lY. to Frederick, j\Iav 2. S. P. Germany. 86 THE MERCENARIES. Ch. VIII. forming the most brilliant conceptions, but lie was 1621. equally capable of forgetting all about them before a May. week was over. In the field, he was fertile in resources and darino- in action. But personal animosities easily turned him aside, and the mere lack of an intelligent interest in the cause to which he had given his adhesion, made him bhndly pass over opjDortunities which would at once have been appreciated by a general whose heart was in his work. Hisiip- During the first months of his career in Bohemia, in Vhe" indeed, he had shown the qualities of an active and ser- Boiiemian viccablc officcr. His capturc of the strong fortress of Pilsen was the only real success of the Bohemian armies, and so long as his troops were paid, he had maintained tolerable discipline. But the time soon came when all attempts on the part of the Bohemian Directors to find money and provisions for their armies ceased entu^ely, and Mansfeld's men were driven to supply themselves by plunder. Soldiers of Jf, indeed, nothing more could be said against Mans- Yr^ars'"' ^' feld than that his men were guilty of abominable ex- '^^''^•■- cesses, it would be unjust to blame him for evils which he was unable to prevent. For, in those terrible years, no army marched into the field without perpetrating horrors which in our day even the most depraved outcasts could not look upon without a shudder. Liable to dismissal at any moment, the soldier thought it no shame to transfer his services from one side to the other ^dth reckless im- partiality. No tie of nationality kept him faithful to the cause which he happened to be serving for the moment, and against which he mio;ht be fiohtino- to-morrow. Even military pride, which has sometimes been known almost to replace that lofty and patriotic feehng, was wanting to him. He knew that he had sold himseE, body and soul, to his hirer for the time being, and according to the law of our nature all other vices followed in the train of that last degradation of which man is capable. In those camps robbery, cruelty, and lust reigned suj)reme. Smiling fields and pleasant villages were made hideous by their pre- sence. Blazing farmsteads marked the track of their march, and the air was tainted by the mouldering I MAXSFELD AND HIS TROOPS. 87 corpses, not of armed men, but of helpless peasants — of Ch. Ylll. tender babes and of delicate women, fortunate if tliey had i62i. escaped by the sharp remedy of the sword a fate more ^^'^y- horrible still. With an army composed of such materials, the only ^lansfeid's chance of maintaining even a shadow of discipline, lay in quent the power of fm-nishing the troops with regidar pay and '^o^^'^'i^^*- regular supplies. But this had long been out of Mans- feld's power. After his defeat by Bucquoi, in the summer of 1619, he had been at bitter feud with the Bohemian magnates, whom he accused of deserting him in the hour of danger. The revolutionar}^ leaders had lirtle money to spare for their own troops, and none at all for ]\Iansfeld's. He had consequently held aloof at Pilsen during the campaign of 1620, had entered into separate negotiations with the Imperialists, and hacl probably by his inaction contributed more than any one else to the disaster of the White Hill. Since the great defeat he had offered his sword to the highest bidder. Whilst he was imposing upon Frederick by solemn speeches about his loyalty to his king, and his fidelity to the Protestant reli- eion, he was offerino- to transfer his services to his old master, the Duke of Savoy,* and was assuring the Elector of Saxony that if he still held some towns in Bohemia in Frederick's name, it was merely that he might have in his hands a pledge for the pajTnent of the arrears due to himself and his men.f At the same time he was attracting fresh troops to his standard by promising to allow them free liberty of plunder to their hearts' content, j^ The difference, then, between Mansfeld and other Compari- generals of the time was, not that his troops were more tw^en him degraded than theirs, but that he erected into a system and other that which, with them, was an e^dl which they were ^^°^^ ' powerless altogether to control. It would be difficult to say whether the ^Tetched Bohemian peasants suffered most from Bucquoi's Hungarians, or from Mansfeld's troopers. But there Avas no doubt that Bucquoi, serving * Mansfeld's proposal. S. P. Sai-07j. t Mar.sfeld to the Elector of Saxony. ]\Iiillcr. Forschnngen, ii. 60. + ]\IiLller. Forschungen, ii. 43. 88 Ch. VIII. 1621. May. MANSFELDS PROJECTS. He is appointed general by Frederick, Mansfeld at Waid- haiiseu. His inten- tions. I a regular government, and acting with a distinct military object, would disband his troops as soon as that object was attained. But with Mansfeld there was no such hope. To him it mattered little whether he were victo- rious or defeated. All he needed was to roam about from one district to another, plundering and destro}dng as he went. Every German territory would have to learn that it was liable to attack, not in proportion to the good or evil which it had done to one side or the other, but in proportion to the fatness of its pastures, the comfort of its peasants, and the wealth of its citizens. Such was the man who was formally appointed by Frederick to the command of his armies in Bohemia. But Bohemia had been already pillaged too thoroughly to make it a safe basis of operations for an army led on these principles. One post after another surrendered to the enemy. Pilsen itself was sold by its own garrison during the temporary absence of Mansfeld. * By the end of April, Tal:)or and Wittingau alone remained in his hands ; and he was himself driven to take refuge in the Upper Palatinate. The question of Frederick's immediate abdication of the Bohemian crown was therefore no mere point of diplomatic propriety. With such a commander still holding two fortified positions in the country, every day that he retained his claim brought with it a fresh pro- vocation to war. It was impossible for Ferdinand, in spite of his past successes, to feel any confidence for the future. The standard raised in Frederick's name was, in reality, a standard of brigandage. The dissolution of the army of the Union had come in time to sujDply Mansfeld with throngs of fresh recruits, and, before the end of May, a force of sixteen thousand men, without a country or resources of their own, huno- like a dark cloud among-st the forest-clad defiles which command the passes from the Upper Palatinate into Bohemia. To Frederick, Mansfeld represented himself as only anxious to stand on the defensive. But there were few who believed in the sincerity of his professions. Even * KJievenhicller, ix. 1304. dtgby's mission. 80 in Protestant lands it was looked upon as certain that he Ch. yiil was meditating a vast aggressive movement. The only i62i. doubt expressed was, whether the blow would fall upon ^^ay. Bavaria or Bohemia.* Nor did he himself make any- secret that he did not consider himself bound to remain within the hereditary dominions of his master. In for- wardino' to the Bavarian commander an extract from a letter in which Frederick had directed him to conclude, if possible, a suspension of arms in the Upper Palatinate, he rec[uested that the to^^nis which still held out in Bo- hemia might be included in the armistice, and threatened that in case of refusal he should proceed to relieve them by force of arms.| Such a demand was of course re- garded as totally inadmissible, and both sides prepared for war. | In the meanwhile the unhappy inhabitants of the Upper Palatinate had to suffer from the unw^elcome presence of their protectors. § Such were the circumstances under which, after a ^lay 23. ruinous delay of months, Digby was at last preparing f^^^^^^^^_ to leave Enoiand. The instructions which he carried tious. with him were dravoi up in a manly and self-reliant strain, which stood in marked contrast with the pettish ignorance which was stamped on every line of those which had been prepared two years before for the guid- ance of Doncaster, and which, if mternal cAddence be worth anything, would lead to the conclusion that the paper had been j)repared under the eye of the ambassador himself. Digby was first to demand of the Emperor the com- Tiie resti- plete restitution of all that Frederick had possessed ylede-^ before he thought of meddlmg with Bohemia. " But," "ck's James went on to say, " for that it is not Hkely that .ihrnities demanded. * Carpenter to Calvert, June 10, 17, 23, July 1. S. P. German?/. t Extract from a letter from Frederick to Mansfeld. Mimsfeld to Tilly, May ^- Uetterodt, Graf Ernst zu Mansfeld, 746. X This refusal is perpetually referred to in Frederick's letters as a grievous ■WTOncr. O § " Der iible Zustand in der Oberpfalz ist nicht zu scluldern. Das Mans- feldische Kriegsvolk haust tibel." Camerarius to Solms, May -Jj Siiltl. Religionskrieg, iii. 129. Printed " Unterpfalz," by an evident error, as Onno Klopp bas ali-eady pointed out. 90 digby's instructions. 1^ Ch. VIII. fortune, having so mucli favoured the Emperor's party 1621. this last year in Bohemia, and that he, being actually in May 23. possession of a great part of the Palatinate, will be drawn to restore it simply for our respect and friendship, but I hkewise that he may be assured of the respect, amity, and due observance of our son-in-law for the future, — we would have you, forasmuch as concemeth us, to let him know our great propension and desire of entertaining all friendship and amity with the House of Austria, and more particularly by uniting ourselves strictly by a match which we hope will take effect between the Prince our Terms SOU and the Infanta of Spain;. and, forasmuch as con- offered; ceoieth our son-in-law, we will undertake on his behalf that, upon the Emperor s revoking or disannulling of the ban imperial against him, and the restoring of him in such sort as it is above desired, he shall do all thing^s that can justly be required by the Emperor, and may stand with the honour of a prince of his quality and birth. And for that it will be necessary to fall from these generals unto particulars, we will engage ourselves that he shall decline and depart from all pretensions to the Crown of Bohemia and the annexed provinces both for himself and his son ; and shall make unto the Em- peror all fitting and due recognition and acknowledgment, so that he be not pressed to any such deprecation as shall be dishonourable or unworthy of his blood and rank." iftlieya?e If Ferdinand accepted these terms it would be well. DK'byts ^^^ James proceeded to say, "In case you shall find to go' to the Emperor resolved not to condescend to these our Spam. demands in any real point either of our son's honour or inheritance, you shall then let him know that, as we should have been glad that he would have laid hold of this occasion of obliging us, so, by the contrary, he ■ eml)arketh himself in a business which must make an immortal and irreconcilable quarrel both betwixt us and our posterities, which we shall be heartily sorry for ; _ but, in a case which toucheth us so nearly both in honour ■ and blood, and wherein we have not omitted to essay all courses of friendship and amity, if they may not prevail, we must betake ourselves to all other lawful means which I TERMS PROPOSED BY JAMES. 91 God shall give us for the righting of ourselves and our Ch. Vlll. children. And then you shall use all possible speed for i62i. the transferring of yourself into Spain, where you shall ^i^^y 23. insist upon the same propositions unto that King, urging the hopeful promises given by the King his father and his ministers to our ambassador and agent there, both by word and WT.iting. And, in ease you shall find them desirous to evade by transferring the authority and jDower in this lousiness unto the Emperor, you shaU then let that King know that the inheritances of our children have been invaded, and remain yet possessed by his army and under his pay, and no way but titularly belonging unto the Emperor ; and therefore you shall in our name earnestly move him that he presently withdraw his army out of the Palatinate, and leave the Emperor to himself, which, if he shall refuse to do, you shall then make it known that we shall be little satisfied with that pretended evasion of having our children dispossessed of their in- heritance by his army under the commission of the Emperor, but must desire to be excused if we address ourselves directly for reparation to the hand that really and immediately hurt us. Our meaning briefly and plainly is, that in case herein satisfaction shall be denied us, you endeavour to fix the c[uarrel as well upon the King of Spain as upon the Emperor. But this we would have you do rather solidly than by any words of tlu-eat- ening or menace, and rather to give us a just and good ground, when we shall see occasion, to enter into a war than suddenly to embark us in it." Finally, the ambassador was directed, if he found the King of Spain unwilling to listen to reason, " without any further treating of the match or anything else, fairly to take his leave." The terms which Digby was thus authorised to pro- James's pose were such as to be equally distasteful to the zealots, I-o,7i,r who think that a Protestant nation ought at all times GeniKmy. and under all circumstances to cast its sword into the scale on behalf of a Protestant population, and to the [theorists who hold that interference in the affairs of I foreigners is at no time either lawful or desirable. But ithey will commend themselves to those who think that 92 HOSTILITIES EECOIVRIENCED. Ch. VIII. 1621. May. It needed the Slip- port of au armj. June. Mansfeld and Jiigern- durf. Anger of the Duke of Bavaria. armies of a foreim Sovereign. Such was the mter- of WiUiam of Orano;e in Enojland in 1688, and it is the duty of a great nation to incur some risk order to avert great evils, and who believe that such intervention can only be attended mth success when it comes to give weight to a strong national feeling which is smothered under the overwhelming brute force of a foreign conqueror, or of a domestic faction in league with the ' " vention of Napoleon III. in Italy in 1859. Such, as far as words went, was the intervention undertaken by James in Ger- many in 1621.* Unfortunately it went no further than words. Backed by a compact and disciplined army well enough paid to enable it to dispense with the necessity of plunder, Digby might have laid down the law in the Empire. As it was, he had to sooth as he could, by the mere persuasiveness of his voice, two armies which were ready to fly at each other's throats. On the one side was Maximilian im- patient to add the Upper Palatinate to his hereditary dominions ; on the other side was Mansfeld, whose dis- organized forces combined the least possible power of. re- sistance with the greatest possible amount of provocation. Even whilst Digby was on his way to Vienna, the dang;er of an immediate collision was increasino^. Mans- feld, now at the head of 20,000 men, had seized and fortified Eosshaupt, a strong post within the Bohemian frontier. The Margrave of Jiigerndorf, a kindred spirit, was at the head of 7000 men in Silesia, and was threat- ening, after levying contributions from the territories of the Catholics, to cross the mountains and to join forces with Mansfeld before the gates of Prague. In Hungary, Bethlen Gabor was making head against Bucquoi. On every side the wild terrors of the storm which had been cjuelled for a moment threatened to burst forth with redoubled violence. | The seizure of Eosshaupt filled, in Maximilian's eyes, the cup of Mansfeld's ofiences to the brim. It might now be seen, he wrote to the Emperor, what was the * Digby's instructions, May 2:3. S. P. Germany. + See especially for Mansfeld's proceedings the letters printed by Uette- rodt. Ernest Graf zu Mansfeld, 328^ — 353. DIGBY AT VIENNA. 93 real value of the adventurer's protestations tliat he ^^- ^ ^^^- was only standing on the defensive. Ferdinand rephed ^^^i. by authorising him to put his troops in motion, whilst messengers w^ere hastily despatched to Brussels and Madrid to ask fox Spinola's co-operation on the Ehine.* jNlansfeld, at least, was determined to show^ his dis- July, regard of all diplomatic attempts to bring about a peace. ^i^nsfeW's xT^ 111 .i-r>-i r-r*! i treatment He turned sharply upon the Joishop ot Bamberg and of the Wilrzburg, who was guilty of the offence of having sent "n,',^JandT" his troops into Bohemia in common with the other members of the League, and threatened to devastate his territories wdth tire and sword. | A sudden attack was also made upon the Landgrave of Leuchtenberg, who had admitted a Bavarian garrison into his dominions ; and the Landgrave himself w^as di-agged away as a 'prisoner to Mansfeld's camj). | Such was the crisis at which affaii-s had arrived when July 4. Dio'bv entere(J Vienna. If any man living was capable Digby's of pouring oil upon the troubled waters it was he. For Vienna, he possessed, to a very great degree, the power of pene- trating the thoughts and intentions of others, and, in a still higher degree, the power of instant decision in the midst of conflicting perils. Four months earher the presence of such a man would have been invaluable. He could now hardly flatter him- .>eH' that success was otherwise than very dubious. Fer- dinand had been confirmed, by recent events, in his 1 lelief that it was hopeless to expect peace from Frederick, ieven if Frederick had the power to control the army which had been created in his name. He had turned a deaf ear to the entreaties of the ambassadors from 'Denmark and the late Union, though they had asked to negotiate on the basis of Frederick's abdication. It * Menzel. Neuere Gescli der Deutschen, ■vni. 531. Zuniga's Consulta on Onate's Despatches, Aug. [?]. Simancas MSS. Est. 2506. The Duke of Bavaxia to Ferdinand II., June ^* Ferdinand II. to the Archdiike- ""^ . Brussels MSS. t Mansfeld to the (^hajoters of Bamherg and Wiirzhurg, July - ,S. P. Gennamj. X The Duke of Bavaria to Ferdinand XL, July -m S. P. Germany. 94 Ch. A^II. 1621. July. Jfily 5. Digby's projiosi- tious. July 8. The Em- peror's answer. Ferdi- nand's hesitation. DIGBY S MEDIATION. was no wonder if the Emperor was incredulous ; for Frederick's secret papers, which had fallen into the hands of the victors after his defeat at Prague, had recently been published, and his intrigues with Mansfeld and Savoy for th« partition of the territories of the House of Austria had thus been laid open to the world.* Digby saw that he had no time to lose. His only chance was, that as he could speak with the authority of the King of England, his engagements on behalf of his master's son-in-law might be accepted, though the pro- mises of others had been rejected with disdain. On the very day after his arrival, therefore, he asked the Emperor for a declaration of his intention to restore Frederick to his lands and dignities. The King of England would then obtiiin from the Elector Palatine a recognition of his obedience. Upon these terms he hoped that the further execution of the ban would be suspended, and the truce in the Lower Palatinate prolonged. * In three days he received his answer. The Emperor, he was told, could decide nothino; without consultine: the Princes of the Empire, who had been akeady summoned to Ratisbon, It was impossible to suspend hostilities any longer. Mansfeld had assailed Bohemia. Jiigerndorf had published a commission signed by Frederick at the very moment when he professed to be treating. Yet, even now, if Frederick showed real signs of repentance, J the execution of the ban should be stopped, "j" wM The concluding words were a symptom of the hesita- tion which was gaining ground in the Emperor's mind. During the last few days bad news had been poming in from every side. Bucquoi had been slain in Hungary, and his troops were in fuU retreat. The first days of the campaign in the Upper Palatinate had not turned out well for the Bavarians. The Elector of Saxony had refused to attend the assembly at Ratisbon, and his re- fusal was, with great probability, ascribed to his dishke I I * The publication of the Anhaltische Canzlei, as it was called, is men- tioned in Digby's letter of the 19th of June. Compare, on this siibject, Wotton to Calvert, July 8. S. P. Venice. t Digby to the Commissioners for German affairs, July 26. Digby's Pro- positions, with the Emperor's reply. Clarendon State Papers, i. App. 2. DISSATISFACTION OF aiAXIMILIAN. 95 of the plan of depriving Frederick of his Electorate.* ^'"- ^ ^^^ Upon Maximilian the effect of the intelligence was i62i. merely irritating. He at once concluded a short truce "^"^y- with Mansfeld, which he hoped to turn to his own purposes, and hurried off a cornier to Brussels with an urgent demand that Spinola might be ordered at once to take the field. | Ferdinand, whose territories were more immediately exposed to danger, and who was at all times more single-minded than Maximilian, began to hesitate. Was it wise, he wrote to the Duke, to let the opportunity shp ? The King of Spain was fully occupied with the Dutch war. If Digby were dismissed ^dthout a satis- factory answer, it would not be long before the Elector of Saxony, with the whole of the North of Germany at his back, would be found fiohtino; on Frederick's sicle.J Ferdinand's suggestion was not likely to meet with a ^laxinii- favourable recejDtion. Maximilian was indignant that protests Digby had been listened to for an instant. The Emperor, ^f.^^"!*. he said, had solemnly promised that the Electorate should offers. " be his. He had come to his assistance when he was in distress, and, if his wishes were now to be disregarded, he would take no further trouble to preserve the Austrian territories from their present danger. Such language did not fail in finding influential supporters at Vienna. The Pope's Nuncio, and Hyacintho, a Capuchin friar, who had lately arrived on a special mission from Kome, put forth all their eloquence in the hope of persuading [Ferdinand to break off the negotiations, and to effect an immediate transference of the Electorate to Maxi- milian. The Emperor was not usually inaccessible to spiiitual FerJmand •a Ti 1 11 ■ n • T determmes mnuences, and he was bound by every tie oi mterest and to treat, latitude to JMaximilian. But his better nature shrunk * The Elector of Saxony to Ferdinand II., ^^£^- Ferdinand II. to the ' July 7 Vrchduke Albert, July f^ Brussels MSS. , t Minutes of the Duke of Bavaria's letter to the Archduke Albert, July -. _ ' IS Brussels MSS. t Ferdinand II. to the Duke of Bavaria, July ^- Brussels AISS. 96 DIGBy's terms accepted by FERDINAND. ^^- ^ ^^^- from the prospect of interminable and perhaps hope! 1621. ^yar which was opening before him. After some clays' ^^^^y- hesitation, he told the Nuncio that he had made up his mind to treat with Digby. " If the Pope," he said, " knew what the position of aflfairs really is, he would be of the same oj^inion with myself" July 21. On the 21st of July, therefore, Digby was informed of the Emperor's determination. The blame of the recent outbreak of hostilities was throwTi upon Mansfeld and Jagerndorf. Let Frederick relieve the Catholic Powers from all fear of future aggression, and no difficulty would be thrown in the way of the proposed negotiation. Letters should be despatched to Maximilian and Spinola, requesting them to abstain from hostilities, if only they had reason to believe that they were themselves safe from injury. It was for Frederick to revoke any commission which he might have issued for an attack upon the Emperor's dominions, and to prove to the world that his lieutenants had acted without his authority. If he could do this, all risk of war would be at an end.* satisfied With this answer Digby was well satisfied. He had gained, he said, in the despatch in which he recounted his proceedings, all that could reasonably be expected. He had hardly hoped that the Emperor would consent to treat the transference of the Electorate as an open question. Yet he was too clear-sighted not to be aware how many difficulties were still to be surmounted. Every- thing, he said, depended on the part taken by Spain. Yet if, like James, he was inclined to hope for the best from the Court of Macbid, he knew far better than James how unwise it would be to trust to unsupported ' argument for success. " I must earnestly recommend," fl he wrote, "the continuing abroad yet for some small time Sir Eobert Mansell's fleet upon the coast of S23ain, which, in case his Majesty should be ill used, will prove * The Emperor's second answer, July |^. Londorp. Acta Publica, n. 486. Digby to the Commissioners for Gennan affairs, July 26. Clarendon State Papers, i. App. 6. Gritti to the Doge ^" ^ "^- Venice MSS. Desp. , Germania. Extract from a letter from Vienna, July 30. S. P. Germany. i THE POLICY OF SPAIN. 97 the best argument he can use for the restitution of the Ch. vill. Palatinate.""* i62i. Yet, in truth, if Digby had been able to speak with June, confidence of Frederick's intentions, there would have Policy of been little need of such arguments as these. The recep- Spanish tion by the new Spanish Government of the first hint ^J^^''^' of the Emperor's proposal to transfer the Electorate to Maximilian had been most unfiivourable. Letters were at once despatched in the name of the young King to the xlrchduke Albert at Brussels, and to Oiiate at A^ienna. The House of Austria, wrote Philip, owed much to the Duke of Bavaria ; but it would be um-easonable to con- tinue the w^ar solely for his personal advantage. It was to be hoped, therefore, that the Assembly of Ratisbon would lead to a speedy pacification. "j" By the time that these despatches reached their desti- Spmoia • OTiiprG'I to nation much had changed. Mansfeld's army was daily aid the increasing in numbers, and Maximilian, by the Emperor's D"i^e of orders, was preparing to expel him from the threatening position which he occupied. To an iucjuiry whether he would desert his allies at such a conjuncture, the Archduke Albert could hardly reply otherwise than he did. He should much prefer, he said, a general pacification ; but if the proceedings of Mansfeld made war necessary, he could not leave the Duke of Bavaria to be crushed. The * Digby to the Commissioners for German Affairs, July 26. Clarendon ! State Papers, ii. App. 6. t It would be well, writes Philip to the Archduke Albert on the -^^ i of June, to come to a settlement at Ratisbon, " para cuyo cumplimieuto ' pareze que la dificultad que ocurre es el haver pasado el Emperador tan adelante con el Duque de Ba^dera en la promesa de la dignidad electoral Palatina, piies es sin duda que el Duque dificultard, contentarse con menos, y el Rey de Inglaterra y los demas adjuntos del Palatino es de creer I estribaran en que permanezca en su persona la dignidad, y que no se quie- tardn sin esto ; y si bien es muy devido que se tenga con el Duque de Bavieni Ijonissima correspondencia ... si para esto effecto se huvi- esse de renovar una guerra perpetua en Alemana, no serd possible que lo que el Rey mi Seiior y padre, que esta en el cielo, hizo por restaiu-ar la [religion, y el Imperio, y los Reynos de Bohemia y Hungiia, y provincias patrunouiales se pueda continuar por sola una circumstancia de acrescen- tamiento del dicho Duque ; pues, aunque es niucho lo que ha hecho, y justo el reconocerselo, tambien es de considerar que hera caussa de todos, y que si la religion y el estado se perdenin en nuestra cassa, no que- dai-d en jjie lo uno ni lo otro en la Baviera ; y no es razon que el Duque jquiera poner lo todo en compromisso por su tin particular." Compiu-e the King's letter to Onate of the same date. Briissels MSS. VOL. II. U 98 ARMISTICE IN THE PALATINATE. Ch. viii. suspension of hostilities would come to an end on 1621. 22nd of July, and Spinola should receive orders to J^^^y- commence the war in the Lower Palatinate as soon as he heard that the Bavarians had actually taken the field.* Julys. This order was the last public act of the Archduke. th?Ardi- ^^ *li® 3i'^^ ^^ J^^y ^® ^^^^' ^^^^^ ^ ^^^S ^^^ painful duke illness, "j" With him the nominal independence of the ^^'^' country came to an end. He left no children to succeed him, and his widow, the aunt of the young King of Spain, was now again the Infanta Isabella, the Spanish ' Governor of the Spanish Netherlands. But, excepting that perhaps the Infanta was rather more reluctant to embark in hazardous enterprises than her husband had been, no change in the system of government was ob- servable. ^•^^ . She had not been long in possession of authority, when oijerations slie learned that Mansfeld had attacked the Catholic States suspended. ^ ]^jg neighbourhood, and that Maximihan s worst fears were abeady realised. When Trumbull saw Spinola, who had been recalled to Brussels to conduct the preparations against the Dutch, he found him greatly excited. " What," he said, " will the world think of us, if we make a truce in the Palatinate whilst the throats of our confederates are being cut?" J A few days afterwards, however, Cordova, who had been left in command of the troops in Germany, contrived to intimate to Frederick's officers that, though the truce would not formally be renewed, he should not take the field without specia' orders from Brussels ; § and it was not long before letter arrived from Ferdinand conveying the intelligence that negotiations had been opened with Digby, and ex- pressing a wish that, unless there were grave military reasons to the contrary, hostilities should continue in suspense till it was seen whether Frederick's assent could be obtained to the terms proposed by the English I * The Infanta IsabeUa to PhiHp IV. July ^J. Brussels MSS. t Trumbull to Calvert, July 3. S. P. Flanders, i Trumbull to Calvert, July 21. iS. P. Flanders. § Cordova to the Landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt, " ^ ' . S. P. Germany. I I PEACE ENDANGERED BY FREDERICK. 99 Ambassador. * Trumljull was accordingly assured by Ch. VIII. Spinola, that if Frederick were really in earnest lie might i62i. have a truce for six months."}" July. It is therefore beyond all reasonable doubt, that at the Frede- beginning of August the Duke of Bavaria stood alone in Jedin-s?" his desire to proceed to extremities. The Courts of Spain, of Brussels, of Vienna, and of Dresden might, from various causes, and with different degrees of earnestness, be counted amongst the supporters of Digby's pacificatory negotiation. Unhappily Maximilian found one man who was doing everything in his power to give eff"ect to his warlike poHcy. That one man was no other than Frederick himself. That unhappy prince could see plainly enough that Maximilian wanted to possess himself of the Upper Palatinate ; but he could see nothing else. That his retention of the Bohemian crown was a gage of battle flung down at the feet of the Catholic Powers, and that it alienated from him the sympathies of three-fourths of the Protestant Powers, was a truth which he was incapable of comprehending. His language when he heard of the violent proceedings of Mansfeld and Jjigerndorf, was the language of hopeless incapacity. He had 'given them no orders ; but he could not blame them. It was aU the fault of Ferdinand and Maximilian. His lieutenants had been in the service of the Bohemian Estates before they entered his. No doubt they had pre- tensions of their own in Bohemia ; if so, he could not hold them back. He could not even say that they were in the wi'ong in offering a helping hand to the oppressed Protestants, if It was quite true that the Bohemian Protestants were in evil case, and it was impossible to blame Frederick for his sympathy with his late subjects. But it is certain that a * Ferdinand II. to Spinola, -j-^1 Londorp, ii. 487. t Trumbull to Calvert, Aug. 13. -S'. P. Flanders. Spinola said that the Emperor's letter had not arrived. Judging from the similai'ity of his hui- guage with that held by Ferdinand, I doubt this. But if so, it shows that the same conclusion was independently adopted at Brussels and Vienna. X Carleton to Calvert, July 19. Frederick to the King, July 28. Fre- derick to Digby, Aug. 13. S. P. Holland. H 2 100 FREDERICKS WARLIKE ARDOUR. July. August. Frederick ill the Dutch camp. Ch. VIII. ^igg jj^g^jj would have attempted to help them in a very" 1621. different way. If Bohemian Protestantism was to be saved, it would only be because German Protestantism was strong. Still, as three years before, the only hope of strengthening German Protestantism lay in a close union between Heidelberg and Dresden, and it was notorious that it was mainly by Frederick's aggressive ambition that such a union had hitherto been rendered impossible. It was therefore only by abdicating the throne of Bohemia, that he could hope to help the Bohemians. In the mood in which Frederick was, it was inevitable that he Avould do somethino; foolish. But even those who thought most meanly of his understanding, can hardly have been prepared for the gratuitous act of folly of which he was now guilty. If he had made his way to Mans- feld's camp, had placed himself at the head of his troops, and had given orders to march uj)on Pi-ague, there would at least have been some method in his madness. But what was to be said when he gravely proposed to join the camp which the Prince of Orange was forming at Em- merich for operations against the Spaniards ? Such a pro- ceeding could do him no possible good, whilst it was certain to be regarded at Brussels and Vienna as an act of defiance. Carleton and Nethersole were *at their wit's end. Even Elizabeth, ready as she invariably was to encourage her husband in any rational act of manliness, joined in protesting against the step. It was some time before the English envoys were able to discover what Frederick's motive could be. At last it came out that he . was ashamed of the part which he had played at Prague, and that he hoped, under Maurice's tuition, to learn enough of war to qualify him for taking command of his own troops at some future time. On the 16th of August, he set out from the Hague, with this childish fancy in his head. * The real cause of Frederick's headstrong conduct, how- ever, lay far deeper. The news of Bucquoi's defeat, which had alarmed Ferdinand, restored the confidence of his rival. Once more the fugitive prince Avas dreaming of He is re- solved to prosecute the war. * Nethersole to Calvert, Aug. 13. .S'. P. Germany. Carleton to Calvert, S'. P. Holland. Nethersole to Calvert, Aug. 22. 6'. P. Germany. Aug. 13, I HIS EXTRAVAGANT PRETENSIONS. 101 entering Prague as a conqueror. " Our affairs," wrote Ch. yiii. Elizabeth to a confidential friend in England, " begin to i62i. mend. The king of Hungary is master of the field. August. Mansfeld and Jagerndorf do daily prosper."* Carleton complained bitterly that Frederick was now " less tract- able than before." In fact, he was now possessed by the most extraordinary delusion. Ferdinand's cause he be- lieved to be hopeless. The only question was, whether Bohemia should belong to himself or to Bethlen Gabor, and he came to the conclusion that it was his duty to prevent the surrender of Pra^ie to an ally who was, after all, a mere creature of the Turks. In this absurdity he was encouraged by Mansfeld, in whose busy brain the idea in all probability originated.| Abeady Digby, at Vienna, had been made to feel the ^^^^^ ^* change. On the 4th of August, Andrew Pawel, one of Frederick's councillors, arrived to assist him in his nego- tiation. He found that the English Ambassador had resolved upon striking the iron whilst it was hot, by pre- senting for Ferdinand's approval a form of submission which Frederick should be required to make, and that he proposed that in proof of Frederick's sincerity he should surrender the two towns which he held in Bohemia, on receiving a guarantee that the religion of their inhabitants would be respected. To both these proposals Pawel offered a determined opposition. For the present, at least, he said, his master would not hear of the surrender of the towns. Still less would he agree to make any kind of submission to the Emperor. By so doing he would acknowledge that he had committed a fault. The truth was, that the ban was a nullity, and he would never l)ring himself even to ask for its revocation. " I think," wrote Digby to Calvert, "they would have the Emperor !ask them formveness for ha\dno; wronoed them with so mjurious a ban.":j: Almost at the same time Frederick was writing a despatch to Digby, in which he adopted these extravagant pretensions. He would be ready, he * Elizabeth to Roe, Aug. 21. S. P. Germany. ^ t Mansfeld to Frederick, Aug. 2. Netliersole to Calvert, Aug. 13. N. P. Germany, t Digby to Calvert, Aug. 12. Clarendon State Papers, i. App. 17. crisis. 102 digby's anxiety. Ch. VIII. gr^i(-|^ |;q pj^y all due respect to the Emperor, but he would 1621. make no submission.* August. Deeply mortified as Digby must have been by Fre- Digby's derick's unreasonableness, he knew that it was from another of the quarter that the immediate danger was to be apprehended. " As for the main business," he wrote to James, " I am in great hope that in convenient time it may be affected to your Majesty's good satisfaction ; and, in the interim, a general cessation of arms both in the Lower and Upper Palatinates might have been procured, were it not in re- spect of the Count Mansfeld, whose present condition is such that it hindereth and overthroweth all I have in hand ; neither know I what course to take for the redi'ess of it, for when I proposed here a cessation of arms in the Palatinate, until by treaty all things may be finally and conveniently ended, it is answered me that the Emperor is not averse thereunto ; so that it may be general as well in the Upper as the Lower Palatinate, and that the Emperor's territories may not be assailed, for which I am very doubt-: ful whether the Prince Elector himself can do it. For, although the Count Mansfeld shelter himself under the name and authority of the King of Bohemia, yet I doubt 1 much, in case he should command him absolutely to dis- arm, or in the interim to stand upon a pure defensivejj whether therein he would obey him ; neither see I, indeed, well how he could, for he hath now with him above] twenty thousand men, most of them adventm^ers, and in case he should yield unto a cessation of arms, most oi them must either disband or starve. For the Uppe Palatinate is absolutely ruined and wasted, so that hj army can no way remain there, and if he shall attemj the hving upon any other neighbour country, it will bel esteemed a public act of hostility; and as for the dis- missing of his army, it is a thing impracticable until th( business shall be well settled, and there must be meanf found for his payment before he will out of the Uppej Palatinate. Besides, he pretendeth great sums of monej to be due unto him by the estates of Bohemia, and fo; that debt pretendeth to hold Tabor and Wittingau. S(| that, whereas it is said that those towns hold for the Prin& * Frederick to Digby, Aug. 13. S. P. Holland. veee's difficulties. 103 Palatine, I conceive tliey are very willing to advantage Ch. vill. themselves with that pretext. But, in case upon any i62i. composition he should command them to be restored to August. the Emperor, I have just cause to doubt he would not therein be obeyed. Insomuch that his name and authority is used in that which is, prejudicial to him. But wherein it may be for his good and advantage, I fear he will find his authority very limited." * Such were the unpromising elements of the problem yereinthe which Digby had undertaken to solve. Yet, strange to Palatinate. say, it was not on the Bavarian frontier that the first blow was struck. Since the dissolution of the Union, the command in the Lower Palatinate had been entrusted by Frederick to Vere, and Vere was beginning to experience the same clifiiculties as those by which Mansfeld was beset. His troops were ill-paid and ill-provided. The land was exhausted. In the presence of the spectre of war, the peasants had not ventured to sow their fields, in order to prepare a harvest which they would not be allowed to oather into their barns. It was with famine starino- him • . ^ . m the face, that Vere read the letters which reached him from Digby, from Trumbull, and from Calvert, urging him to keep the peace at all hazards. But, though he was an Enolishman, he was not in the Kino; of Enoiand's service. James had plenty of advice to give, but he sent no money with which to alleviate the distress of the army. Frederick was equally unable to supply him, and what- ever advice he had to give was very bad. His repre- sentative, the Duke of Deux Fonts, joined the council of Heidelberg in uro-ino: that somethino; should be done. Vere was a good soldier, but he was not a statesman ; and, in his desperation, he weakly consented to a middle course from which no good could possibly come.! The lands of the Bishop of Spires had been untouched The truce by the war, and Vere knew that it would be a great relief ^^^^en. * Digby to the King, Aug. 12. S. P. Germany. " Cependant" wrote Mansfeld, a few days later, " nous tasclierons de fayre nos recreues, et voir si vous pourrons avoir de Hongrie le secours demand e ; que, si cela est, nous sommes bastans pour tirer raison de uos enueinys de la poiute de res])ee, et fayre nos atfayres a la ruLue de leurs." Mansfeld to Frederick. a. P. Germany. t Vere to Carleton, Aug. 9. S. P. Holland. 104 Ch. VIII. 1621. August. Stein seized by Cordova. James ex- postulates with Frederick. Sept. Digby's com- plaints. EECOMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES. to his o^Yn men, if lie could quarter one or two regiments upon the inhabitants. His soldiers, he believed, were w^ell under control. They would take nothing from the people but provisions. No jDillage should be allowed. In all courtesy, he would first ask the bishop for his consent. Upon this scheme he acted. Making a viitue of necessity, the bishoji gave the required permission, and sent a com- missary to watch the proceedings. But the peasants who were to find quarters for the men, did not take the matter quite so easily. They had a strong suspicion that the soldiers would not prove quite as lamblike as their com- mander reported. In one village, resistance was ofiered, and shots were fii^ed. The troops forced their way into the place, striking down in the fray those who attempted to bar their path.* In a moment the whole Catholic party was roused to indignation. This, then, was what Frederick meant by peace. Cordova at once declared that the truce was at an end, seized the strong castle of Stein, which com- manded the passage of the Ehine, and threatened Vere's weak battalions with his superior force. At last James was roused from his apathy. Upon his son-in-law he bestowed* a severe but not unmerited re- Imke. If he Trashed for any further aid from England he must leave the Dutch camp ; he must recaU aU com- missions by which his officers were empowered to take any measures not needed for the defence of his own dominions, and a copy of this revocation must be sent at once to Digby. Above all, he must consent to make due submission to the Emperor, and must leave it to the English Ambassador to see that it was not couched in degrading terms. "j" At the same time Calvert was directed to expostulate with Gondomar on Cordova's pre- cipitation. It was somewhat of the latest. Digby felt deeply the want of that support upon which he might faiiiy have counted. To Calvert he poured out his sorrows. Every- * Vere to Carleton, Aug. 7. S. P. Holland. Vere to Calvert, Sept. 14 (?). 8. P. Germany t The King to Frederick, Aug. 28, 30. S. P. Germany. There are two letters of the latter date. I" -J5 4] digby's last efforts. 1^'^ where Frederick's commanders liad been the first aggres- ^^- ^ ^"- sors. " I mil make no complaint," he wrote, in the i^^i- bitterness of his heart, " but I must needs confess it hath ^''^'^■ been a strange unluckiness." For every one of Frederick's servants who desired peace, there were five who wished to drag England into a war with Spain.* If the King in- tended to carry out his plans, " he must first reduce the business to such a conformity that that which his faithful ministers shall have established in one part be not over- thrown by the malice or artifice of the attempts of others in other parts, as hitherto hath happen ed.f Whatever man could do was done by Digby. To the Emperor's reasoning that he could not be expected to grant an armistice unless it were to include the whole theatre of the war he had nothing to reply. But neither Mansfeld nor Jagerndorf were under his orders, and it was more than doubtful whether they would obey Fre- derick himself. Yet, unless he took some responsibility upon himself, all chance of peace was at an end. Ac- cordingly he concerted with the Emperor a plan for a pacification, and trusted to accident to enable him to realise it. Ferdinand, accordino; to this scheme, ensfao-ed to write ^^J'\ ^* once more to the Infanta Isabella and the Duke of Ba- new plan, raria, m'ging them to suspend hostihties unless they could ?how good reason to the contrary. Mansfeld would be I^ound to respect the armistice which, it was hoped, would then be signed, on pain of being treated by James and Frederick as a common enemy. Frederick was to be in- duced to revoke his commission to Jag;erndorf, and to Surrender the towns in Bohemia. Negotiations for a peace were then to be opened, and, as soon as the execu- tion of the ban had been suspended, Mansfeld's troops were to be disbanded on a promise from the Emperor that he would give three months' notice before renewing the war. J * Calvert to Buckiiigliam, Aug. 27. Harl. MSS. 1580, fol. 160. t Digby to Calvert, Sept. 5. S. P. Germany. X Ferdinand II. to the Infanta Isabella, Sept. ^^. S. P. Germany. An- -wer given to Digby, Sept. -. Digby to the Commissioners for German ^aixs, Sept. 5. Clarendon State Papers, i. App. 4, 10, 14. 106 THE UPPER PALATINATE INVADED. 1 Ch. VIII. Digby's hopes of the success of his endeavours were not high. He knew that he had not a single line under Vienna. Invasion of the Upper Palatinate, 1621. Sept. Frederick's hand to authorise him to make the conces- He leaves gions wliich he regarded as indispensable, and he could V;o,ir.Q 111 1 T hardly suppose that the last arrangement, depending as it did upon the consent of the Duke of Bavaria, would really take effect. He was now leaving Vienna, anxious to visit Maximilian on his way home, " Of my proceed- ings here," he wrote to the Prince of Wales before he started on his journey, " I will only say this, that things have been so carried as if the chief care and study had been to overthrow the treaty I had in hand, and to renew the war ; which I doubt not we shall find by experience will turn infinitely to the prejudice of the King's son-in- law." * In a few days after these words were written, Digby's worst fears were realised. Unsujiported by Frederick, no eno;aQ;ement which he could enter into could offer any solid guarantee to the Imperialists. In recommend- ino: the scheme of the Eng-lish Ambassador to Maxi- milian, Ferdinand acknowledged that he was mainly I influenced by the despondent view which he took of his military position, j" Such an argument was not likely to weigh much with Maximilian. He had made upj his mind to cut the knot with the sword, and with- out waiting for any further instructions from Vienna,! he threw himself with all his forces upon the Upper] Palatinate. Then was seen on what a broken reed Frederick had] placed his confidence. The great adventurer, the would- be conqueror of Austria and Bohemia, was not even in a J condition to defend the country which had been trusted | to his care. Unpaid and unprovided with supplies. Mansfeld's troops had reimbursed themselves at the ex- pense of those whom they had been charged to defend Eapine and violence had done their work. The heart Oj the population was alienated from the prince who hac * Digby to the Prince of Wales, Sept. 5. Clarendon State Papers, i App. 8. Wrongly dated Aug. 5. t Hurter. Gcsch. Ferdinands II. ix. 40. His narrative is based upoi documeuts iu the Vienna Arcliives, which I have not seen. mansfeld's intrigues. 107 entrusted Ins subjects to the care of such a pack of wolves. ^^- ^^^^^- The magistrates refused to provide for the defence of the i62i. country. It was better, men were heard to say, that the Sept. Duke of Bavaria should take the land than that Mansfeld should remain in it a moment longer.* As usual, Mansfeld sought to escape from his diffi- culties by trickery. In the spring he had invited his nephew Ren^ de Chalon to come to him from Flanders in order that he might be the medium of an arrangement by which he then hoped to sell his services to the Emperor. AVhen Chalon arrived Mansfeld had reinforced his army, and was looking forward to the reconquest of Bohemia. He did not, however, let go the thread of the intrigue, and while continuing to hold out hopes to the Imperialists, he took credit with Frederick for the firmness with which he had resisted their seductions. He now intimated to Maximilian that he was ready to sell his master's interests. A treaty was drawn up by Mansfeld which he engaged, in consideration of a large sum of d"£id money, either to disband his army or to carry it into the ^^^ army. service of the Emperor. I As chance would have it, Mansfeld, riding into Neu- J^ markt for the purpose of signing this infamous treaty, Digby. met Digby's train on its way to Nuremberg. Putting a bold face on the matter, he asked the ambassador to accompany him and to assist him with his advice. Digby answered coldly that he had no authority to treat ^^ith the Duke of Bavaria. Upon this Mansfeld began to de- fend his conduct. His wants, he said, were great ; his forces were too weak to hold head against the enemy ; the people of the country were traitors ; all that he meant in treating with Maximilian was to gain time in order to transfer his army to the Lower Palatinate. To Digby such language was intolerable. He had seen, he told him, the articles of the treaty by which he had bound himself not to serve against the House of Austria. He knew what was the exact sum of money for which he had sold his master. "When I replied unto him thus," * Mansfekl to Frederick, Oct. 1. *S'. P. Germany. t Hurter. Gesch. Ferdinands II. ix. 58. Villermout. Manxfeld, i. 304. Uetterodt. Ernest Graf zu Mansfeld, 369. His meet- witb. 108 SUCCESS OF THE IMPERIALISTS. Ch. VIII 1621. Sept. Con quest of the Upper Paliitinate. Tlie Electorate secretly con IVrred Ulmll ;M;IX- iiniliaii. was Digby's account of the scene, " I never saw so dis- turbed or distracted a man, and he would have recalled i many things he had said, and began to swear nothing j was concluded, but that things were to be ended now with the Commissioners, and that he would do nothing but with the consent of the Council of Amberg, who he had likewise appointed to be there, and desired that i Monsieur Andreas Pawel might return with him to be! present at their meeting. Much passed betwixt us, for we were together almost two hours. I concluded by telling him freely my opinion, that the defence of the Palatinate being committed to him, and being now only invaded for his cause in regard of his assaihng Bohemia, if he should now, with so great and flourishing an army, abandon to the enemy a country for the defence whereof his honour was answerable, esj^ecially for a mercenary reward of money, I conceived that the Count Mansfeld would, from one of the most renowned cavaliers of Chris- tendom, become the most yiie and infamous ; and on these terms we parted, he swearing he would do nothing but what would stand mtli his honour ; but, my lords, I must confess that so perturbed a man I never saw." * So the two men separated : the one to his duty, the other to his treason. Under such circumstances the fate of the Upper Pala- tinate could not remain long undecided. On the 1 5th of September the strong military post of Cham had surren- dered to the Bavarians. Before the end of the month MaximiHan's troops were welcomed by the whole country as deliverers fi^om the tyranny of Mansfeld. Frederick's general retained nothing more than the ground on which his troops were encamped, f It was not in the field alone that Maximilian was victorious. The first news of his determination to appeal to the sword had been followed by a total change of l)olicy at Vienna. Ferdinand's hesitation was at an end. Whatever the prospects of the two armies might be, he had no intention of deserting his old and tried friend for * l^'gl^y to the Commissioners for German Affairs, Oct. 2. S. P. Germany. t Nethersole to Calvert, Oct. 9. S. P. Germany. I zuniga's scheme. 109 sucli a will-of-tlie-wisp as the mere chance that Frederick, Ch. Vlii. who had never done a wise thing in his life, would now 1621. at last be wise enough to adopt the terms to which Digby Sept. had consented in his name. On the 12th of September he sent for the Friar Hyacintho, and placed in his hands, in the strictest secrecy, an act by which he conferred the Electorate upon Maximilian. The Ai'chduke Charles, the Emperor's brother, was des23atched to Dresden to gain over John George. Hyacintho himself was to go to Madrid to wring, if possible, an assent from the King of Spain.* For whatever Eno-lishmen mig-ht think about the Aw^ust. matter, it was from Spain that the most strenuous oppo- Objectjous sition was to be expected. If the Spanish Government ° ^^'^^^' continued to take j^art in the war at all, it was only because Frederick's folly made it impossible for them to withdraw with honour. In June the Council of State at Madi'id was looking forward with hope to a general paci- fication. Then had come the news of Mansfeld's excesses in Wiirzburg and Leuchtenberg, and it was necessary to take the chano-e of circumstances into consideration. Zuniga was consulted, and his advice was embodied in a despatch written by Philip to his ambassador at Vienna. " By all means," such was the substance of the letter, " take care to oppose the pretensions of the Duke of Bavaria to the Electorate. Induce the Emperor, if pos- sible, to satisfy him by the cesssion of the ]\Iargravate of Burgau, or of some other Austrian territory. Every day increases the necessity for obtaining a settlement to which the Palatine vrill agree. Probably the best solution is that which has been indicated by a councillor of the Elector of Saxony. If Frederick w^ould abdicate the Electorate, his son might at once be accepted as his suc- cessor, and educated at the Emperor's Court." | A few sept. days later Philip wrote again approving the support which Oiiate had given to Digby. It was necessary, he said, that the troops in the Lower Palatinate should come to * Hurter. Gesch. Ferdinands IT. ix. 158. t Consulta by Zuniga, Aug. (?). Simancas MSS. Est. 2506. Philip IV. to Oiiate, Aug. f^. Brussels MSS. 110 VILLIEES AT THE HAGUE. Ch. VIII. 1621. Sept. Kecom- meiidation of Frede- rick's ab- dication. Mission of Villi ers to the Hague. the assistance of the Bavarians, but lie hoped that the negotiations for a general pacification would not be post- poned.* The plan thus put forward by the Spanish Government is the more noteworthy, because it continued to be the object of its desires till the course of events made its position altogether untenable. It sjDrung from a profound conviction that with Frederick no peace was possible. It had the advantage of offering a middle ground upon which both parties might agree. But it had the dis- advantage with which all the schemes which proceeded from the Catholic side were attended. It dealt only with the wrongs of the Princes, and forgot the wrongs of the people. That education at the Emperor's Court involved a change of religion it was impossible to doubt ; and as matters stood in Germany, the voluntary conversion of a prince carried with it the forcible conversion of his sub- jects. Perhaps if some neutral Protestant Court had been substituted for Vienna as the place of education, the plan might ultimately have been found to promise the most satisfactory solution. But it was evidently premature to expect that it would as yet be acceptable to anyone. Yet if any better terms were to be obtained, it was indispensable that Frederick should be brought to his senses. Accordingly James, finding that his son-in-law paid no attention whatever to his letters, despatched Sir Edward Villiers to Holland with orders to insist upon his return from the Dutch camp. Frederick saw the necessity of obeying, and whilst Sir Edward was journeying towards him by one road to the camp, he hurried back to the Hague like a truant schoolboy by another. But it was more difiicult to extract from him a promise that he would make the required submission to the Emperor. He placed in Villiers' hands a lengthy argument by which he proved, to his own satisfaction, that such a step would be ruinous to his country and dishonourable to himself. | At last however he * Philip IV. to Onate, Sept. i. Brussels MSS. t Brieve deduction des Causes, &c. Sept. 29. S. P. Germany. STATE OF THE LOWER PALATIXATE. Ill yielded, and protested that he would do as he was ^^- ^^^^^- bidden. * I62i. Nor did James stand alone in urging uj)on Frederick Sept. the necessity of submitting. In a letter written to him about this time by the Princes of Lower Saxony, the blame of all that had occurred is distinctly ascribed to his own restlessness ; and his obstinacy is characterised as the chief impediment to the peace of Germany, "j" Even Frederick's own subjects in the Palatinate were of the same opinion. Men openly said that if he had but ^^itten a few lines to the Emperor, all would have been well.| Experience was not very favourable to the hope that Digby at Frederick would take these admonitions to heart. Yet, ^era.^ " considering the interests that were at stake, Digby was no doubt right in refusing to throw up the game. He had been summoned in haste to Heidelberg to assist in providing for the defence of the Lower Palatinate.§ He found the troops in a pitiable condition. The Spaniards were masters of the open country on both sides of the Ehine. Vere's little force of tlu'ee or four thousand men were fully employed in garrisoning HeidellDcrg, Mann- heim, and Frankenthal. The troops at FrankenthaL, which was soon actually besieged by Cordova, were under the command of Sir John Burroughs, a brave and skilful veteran, who was supported by the ardour of the town's people, who mainly consisted of Protestant emigrants from the Spanish Netherlands. Yet it was e\ddent that, unless succour came, he could not hold out long. Nor was this the worst. There were s}Tnptoms that the same causes which had produced the defection of the inhabi- tants of the Upper Palatinate, were operating in the Lower. " The gentry of the country were using means to be preserved in their estates and goods." The people were groaning under their hardshi^^s, and were seeking to accommodate themselves with the enemy. Vere's men * Frederick to the King, Oct. 3. S. P. Germany. Carleton to Trum- bull, Oct. 4. Villiers to Carieton, Oct. 10. S. P. Holland. t The Princes and States of Lower Saxony to Frederick, Oct. 20. S. P. German^/. t Camerarius to Solms, Sept. -, -. Soltl. Eeligionslreig, iii. 133, 135. § The Council of Heidelberg to Digby, Sept. 21. Sherborne MSS. 112 PflESEEVATION OF HEIDELBERG. Ch. VIII. 1621. Sept. He sup- plies the Council uith money. Mansfeld in the Lower Palatinate. October. Dighy at Brussels. were almost in open mutiny for want of pay, and food to satisfy them was not to be had. Such was the position of affairs when Digby arrived. He was not the man to shrink from responsibility. Though without orders, he would supply what was needed to carry on the defence of the country. He borrowed money on his own credit from the Nuremberg bankers. He sent his plate to the melting pot. In this way he got together a sum of 10,000/., which he at once placed in the hands of the Heidelberg Council. " If this sum," he wrote to his own Government, "could be made up to 20,000/., the garrisons might still hold out. If not, everything would run a hazard." 20,000/. supplied now, would do more than 100,000/. afterwards.* Digby, satisfied that he had done his duty, passed on to Brussels. Strange news awaited him there. After all, Mansfeld had come to the conclusion that Frederick's service was better than the Emperor s, and had made up his mind to continue steadfast to what he was pleased to call his principles. Deceit and trickery cost him nothing. On the 30th of September, he disarmed the suspicion of his enemies by signing the engagement to disband his army.f Before the next sun rose, he slipped away with his whole force, and marched mth all speed for Heidelberg. J There was now little to be done at Brussels. Digby had no confidence in Mansfeld. The Bavarians would soon be at his heels, and even if he remained master of the field, it was not likely that he would consult any interests but his own. The Infanta could do nothing. Personally in favour of a general suspension of anns,§ she had been charged by the Emperor to take no steps with- * DigLy to the Cormnissioners for German Affairs, Oct. 2. S. P. Germany. An unguarded expression of Lingard has induced many Con- tinental writers to suppose that this money was given to Mansfeld, and Hurter even grounds upon this supj)osition a thoroughly baseless charge against Digby of connivance in Mansfeld's treachery. t The agreement in the Vienna Archives is cited by Hurter, Gesch. Ferdinands II. ix. 59. X The CouncU of Heidelberg to Digby, Oct. 8. Harl. MSS. 1581. ful. 172. § Tlie Duke of Bavaria to the Infanta Isabella, Sept. -. The Infanta Isabella to Philip IV., Sept. ~, Oct. ^^• 24' Brussels MSS. DIGBY AT BRUSSELS. 113 out the consent of Maximilian, and tliat consent had not Gh. yiii. been accorded to lier. Nor was Digby in a very dis- i^-i- simihir position. He had no authority to speak in Pre- October, derick's name. He contented himself, therefore, with using strono- lano-uap-e on his own account. " I know not," he wrote to Calvert, " what I may be held in England, but I am sure here I shall hardly ever be held Spanish here- after ; for I assure you I have dealt very plainly with them."* It was in Spain, as he well knew, that, so far as it was possible to do an}'thing whilst Frederick and Mansfeld were masters of the position, his work was to be done. He accordinoiy hastened back to Eusfland, to im- His return • -to Fncr- part to James the knowledge which he had acquired, laud. °' hoping to start again from ]\Iadi'id as soon as possible. Before he left the Continent, he heard that Mansfeld had arrived in the Lower Palatinate, and that Cordova had been forced to raise the siege of Frankenthal. A short breathing-time was gained. It was just possible that it might yet be used to force reasonable terms on Frederick and Maximilian alike. Perhaps, if Digby had been King of England, it might have been done ; for no man knew better than Digby how Httle words could effect in such a case. The firmness of will and the promptness of action which had saved the Council of Heidelberg from ruin, might perhaps, if they had been allowed free play, have saved Europe from war. For pacific as were the designs of the Court of Madrid, it would not be mse to trust them too far. Philip's ministers, after all, did not desire j)eace because they had no wish to encroach in Germany, but because they were afraid of the consequences. Unfortunately, during Digby 's absence, James had, as usual, been acting in the way which was most calculated to remove any fear that he would ever take up an independent position in opposition to Spain. On the 27th of November in the preceding year, ]\Ian- I620. sell cast anchor "s\'ith his fleet of twent}^ ships in the roads ^j^'^^^J'^J' of Algiers. He sent a formal demand to the Dey for the Algiers, restitution of all English vessels and Enghsh subjects in * Digljy to Calvert, Oct. 22. S. P. Flanders. VOL. II. " I 114 MANSELL AT ALGIERS. Ch. VIII. ]2is possession, and for the execution or surrender of the 1620. pirates by whom they had been captured. He might November. ImyQ saved himself the trouble. The Algerines pretended extreme eagerness to comply with his wishes, and released some four-and-twenty captives. Mansell was well aware that such a handful of men formed but a small instalment of the crews of the hundred and fifty English vessels which had been taken in the past six years ; but though he was ready to remonstrate, he was not prepared to fight. Supphes promised him from England had not reached him ; sickness was raging in his fleet, and he sailed 1C21. away leaving the town untouched. For five months, ^^^y- . he did little or nothing. It was not till the 21st of May an^ttack'^ that lic rc-appearcd at Algiers. Three days afterwards, upon the ^lic wiud at nio;;htfall blew towards the shore, and he town . • • • . launched his fire-ships against the pirate shipping. For a moment success smiled upon his attempt. In no less than seven places the flames Avere seen shooting up amongst the rigging ; but the English sailors had been ill-supplied with ammunition, and in a few minutes they had got rid of all their powder. The Algerines were not slow to profit by the opportunity. Hurry^ing back to the mole, they drove off" their assailants, and with the timely assistance of a shower of rain, they succeeded in extin- guishing the flames. Not a breath of air was stirring, and, before the wind rose, the harbour was rendered inaccessible by a boom thrown across its mouth. The failure was complete, and there was nothing left for Mansell to do but to sail away to Alicant.* Kecaii of On his return to harbour he found orders to send back lieet."^ ^ four of his ships to England. To this number he added four others, Avhich had become unserviceable. Twelve only remained in the Mediterranean.! It does not appear on what grounds the four vessels * Mansell's account of his Proceedings, Dec. 1620. *S'. P. Barbary States. Mansell to Buckingham, Jan. 13,1621. Harl. MSS. 1581, M. 70. Man- sell to the CoTumissioners for the Expedition, Jan. 16. Mansell to Calvert, Jan. 17. S. r. Barbary States. Mansell to Calvert, March 15. S.P.SjJain. Mansell to Buckingham, June 9. Cabala, 297. t Algiers Voyage. S. P. Dom. cxxii. 106. MAXSELL RECALLED TO EXGLAND. 115 were recalled ; but it was not long before a resolution of Ch. \ lii. a more important character was taken. The outbreak of i62i. hostilities between Spain and HoUand had been accom- '''J^^ ^}'^^^' panied by a renewal of the dispute about the blockade of flemish the Flemish ports. The Dutch claimed a right of ex- ^°^^'^- eluding all commerce from the enemy's harbours, James, on the other hand, declared that they were not justified in stopping auytliing under a neutral flag but contraband of war. To such an assertion as this, the Prince of Orange refused to hsten for an instant. " These countries," he said one day to Carleton, " will sooner cast themselves into the hands of the King of Spain, than permit the trade of any nation to enter the ports of Fkmders." Even if James's claim had beto far better than it was, '^"^y- it would have been unwise to have insisted upon it in the the^eet ^ existing state of his relations with the Continent. But recalled, with James such considerations were of little weight. Before July was over, the remainder of Mansell's fleet was recalled to maintain the supremacy of the English flag in the Narrow Seas.* In the course which he was now takino- James received ^^^<^'^i"s- e^'ery encom^ao-ement irom Buckmoham. Aoain, as m tile to the the previous summer, the Lord Admiral saw in an injmy done to an Enghsh ship a personal insult to himself. Caron looked upon this state of things with sorrow, for he knew the value of the Eng-lish alliance to his country, and though he could not recommend the open- ing of the Flemish ports, he was aware that the long delay in sending the promised commissioners to treat on the East India business was brinoino; to Buckiiiohani a support wliich would otherwise have failed him. " I have seen the time," he wrote, " when the friends of Spain were held here as open enemies. But the King's sub- jects are now so irritated by these East Indian disputes, that they take part against us." Yet there was no lack of hostility to Spain. James, he went on to say, w^as as certain of the restoration of the Palatinate, as if he held it in his own hand. Gondomar was gro^\ing in credit every day, and Buckingham was entirely devoted to him. * ChamlDerlain to Carleton, July 28. S. P. Dom. cxxii. 46. Calvert to Carleton, Aug. 11. S. P. Holland. Dutch. IIG MANDEVILLE S RESIGNATION. Ch. VIII 1621. July. Sept. Destina- tion of Mansell's fleet. Mande- ville's en- forced re- simation. A few days ago, the favourite liacl accompanied the Spaniard to his house in a litter. As they passed through the streets, no man took off his hat, and not a few muttered a wish that they might both be hanged.* It was not without reason, that Caron spoke of the growth of Gondomar's credit. It was at his request that the de- cision* had been taken to recall the fleet. I In September, however, he intimated that his master would prefer a different arrangement, and that he wished twelve ships to remain in the Mediterranean, whilst twelve others were employed against the Dutch. What may have been the motives of the King of Spain we do not know. But we do know that James made no objection to changing his plans at the bidding of a foreign ambassador, that he bore down all opposition in the Council, and that, but for the sudden arrival of Man sell in the Downs, in obedience to previous orders, Gondomar's plan would have been carried out to the letter.:|: The opposition in the Council had been headed by the Lord Treasurer. Mandeville may have been a bad finan- cier, but he was a good Protestant, and he had a deeply rooted aversion to the Spanish alliance. It was now inti- mated to him that he must resio-n his office. If he save way without difficulty, his fall would be softened. The post of Lord President of the Council, long disused, should be revived in his favour, though, as Gondomar remarked, no one knew what its duties were. At the same time, the 20,000/. which he had given to the King for his appointment would be acknowledged as a debt, for which Buckingham was ready to become security. Mandeville was not the man to struggle against such pressure as this. He accepted the terms without difficulty. " My lord," said Bacon, when next they met, " they have made me an example, and you a president." The jest was made more « * Caron to the States General, July i. Add. MSS. 17,677 K, fol. 140. t Philip IV. to Ciriza, ^^^^. Gondomar to Philip IV., July f^.—Si- mancas MSS. Est. 2518, 2602. t Gondomar to Philip IV. Sept. H ^. Calvert to Gondomar, Sept. ^J". Simancas MSS. Est. 2602. Order in Council, Sept. 15. S. P. Dom. cxxii. 126. 11 CRANFIELD LOED TREASURER. 117 toleraLle by the spelling of tlie clay, than it could possibly ^^- ^^^^^- be considered now.* i62i. Almost as a matter of courg'e, the white staff was ^^p*- placed in Craufield's hands. A few weeks later the LordTrea- Chancellorship of the Exchequer, vacant by the resigna- ^j^e^, and tion of Greville, who had recently been raised to the chancellor peerage as Lord Brooke,f was committed to Sir Eichard ^h^ue?" \Veston.:|: " ''^''''" As far as the administration of the finances was con- cerned, it was a happy change. If any one li^dng could restore order and economy it was Cranfield. But the manner of his appointment was of evil augury. The nation was thinking far more of its religious sympathies with the German Protestants than of its commercial* rivalry with the Dutch, and it was well known that, though Cranfield cared a great deal about the pros- perity of trade, he cared very little about the ruin of the Protestant Churches on the Continent. In the meanwhile Buckinoham was houndino- on the Bucking- T7-- ,- 11 , ■ r- ■ , n ^F\ J ^ nuva eager King to an open declaration oi war against the Dutch, for war Nor was he less mchned to speak e"\T.l of Frederick, ^iththe Sharp tongues had been busy at the Hague, and it was rumoured, that, at the little Court of the exiles, he had been spoken of as a Papist and a traitor. In revenge he placed in Gondomar's hands the letters which Frederick and Ehzabeth had written to the King, and assured the pleased ambassador that not a penny should be sent from England for the defence of the Palatinate. § Such was the direction in which James, carried away Digbyin as usual l)y the feeling which happened to be upper- ^^s^'^^'i- most for the moment, had been tending during Digby's absence. Yet when the news reached him of the danger of the Lower Palatinate, he roused himself to unwonted activity. He not only promised to repay the money which had been advanced by Digby to the Heidelberg * Locke to Carleton, Sept. 29. S. P. I)om. cxxii. 152. Gondomar to Philip IY.,'^^^~. SimancasMSS. Est. 2602. Bacon's Apothegms ; TVorhs, via. 181. + Jan. 29, Pat. 18 Jac. I., Part 2. :t: Nov. 13, Pat. 19 Jac. I., Part 1. § Goudomar to PhUip IV., ^g^. Simancas MSS. Est. 2602. 118 JAMES LISTENS TO DIGBY. Terms ottered by .lames. CH.VIII. Council, but he engaged to add another 10,000/ * On 1621. the 31st of October Digby himself returned to tell his story. James was mov&d at least to momentary indigna- tion. The next day the Privy Council was summoned to listen to the narrative. The cry for immediate action Nov. 3. was loud.t On the 3rd of November a proclamation ap- pariia- pearcd summoning Parliament, which had lately been moueci"" adjourned once more by the King's orders, to meet on the 20th of the same month. J This time there was to be no hesitation. Steps were taken which should have been taken at least ten months before. Money was borrowed, and the promised 10,000/. swelled into 30,000/., which were immediately§ despatched to Frederick at the Hague. More was to follow as soon as supplies had been voted by the Commons. Frederick was again urged to put himself at the head of his troops in the Palatinate. At the same time James wrote to the Emperor, renewing his original demand for the restitution of the lands and dignities of which his son-in-law had been deprived, and engaging that he would relinquish the crown of Bohemia, and, after making such full submission as might be consistent with his honour, would renounce any confederacy . by which the peace of the Empire might be endangered. A cojDy of this letter was sent to Frederick, in order that he might signify, in writing, his consent to negotiate on the proposed terms. If he did so, he was told, James would put forth his whole strength on his behalf. || For a few days Digby was the most popular man in England. There may have been some who wondered why all this had not been done long ago ; but such thoughts were drowned in the general enthusiasm. At last, men said, the weary time of weakness and vacillation * Digby to the Council of tlie Palatinate, Oct. 24. S. P. Germany. t Gonclomar to the Infanta Isabella, Nov. ^ . Simancas MBS. Est. 2602. Locke to Carleton, Nov. 3. S. P. Dom. cxxiii. 84. Salvetti's News- Letter, Nov. -. X Proclamation, Nov. 3. ,Sf. P. Dom. clxxxvii. 98* § The King to Carleton, Nov. 12. 8. P. Holland. II Calvert to Carleton, Nov. 5, 10. S. P. Holland. The King to Ferdi- nand II., Nov. 12. Cahala, 239. The King to Frederick, Nov. 12 (0- Add. MSB. 12,485, fol. 99 b. Popular eiitliusi- asm. LAFUENTE AT ROME. 119 was at an end. " God grant," wrote the Earl of Bedford, Ch. vill. " that the King's resolutions may be so propounded to the I62i. ParHament, as they may with a general applause be se- ^"^o^. conded, and not disputed, and that no past distastes breed such variance at home as may hinder the speedy execu- tion requisite for the good success of what is to be done by us abroad."* Even now^ however, James unhappily did not know Lafuente's . . niissiou to how serious the crisis was. If everything else failed, the Eome. King of Spain, he fancied, was certain to see him righted. His words had been for the moment the words of Digby, manly, self-reliant, and far-sighted. His thoughts were his own. Still, as ever, he hated trouble and responsibi- lity. He was the more disposed to confidence in Spain because good news, or what he held to be good news, had lately reached him of the progress of that foolish marriage treaty of which he was so deeply enamoured. Early in the year Lafuente had arrived at Rome, and had soon been joined by George Gage, Conway's Roman Catholic cousin, who had been sent to watch the negotiation on the part of the English Government. There had been a delay at first in consequence of the death of Paul V., and a further delay in consequence of the death of Philip III. But these obstacles were now surmounted. A congregation of cardinals was a|)pointed by the new Pope, Gregory XV., to consider the pi'opriety of granting the dispensation asked for. Nor was it long before Gage was able to report that, if only James could make up his mind to make concessions to the English Catholics, no difficulties would be thrown in the way of the marriage by the Pope.f It was in the frame of mind resulting from his know^- "^^^^^'^ ledge of the progress which had been made in this affau", Goudomar. that James prepared to meet his Parliament. At a moment when he ought to have done his utmost to impress Gondomar with a sense of the firmness of his attitude, he sent him a message, bidding him not to care for anything that might be said in Parliament, as he * Bedford to Carleton, Nov. 5. S. P. Holland. t Gage to Digby, Sept. 1. S. P. Spain. Fraucisco de Jesus, 32 — 35. 120 MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. Ch. VIII. ^voukl take good care that notliinsj was done wliicli woukl 1621. Nov. 20. Meeting of the Houses. Nov. 21. Speech of WOliams ; of Digby; be dispkasing to his CathoUc Majesty.* With the dice thus kaded against him, Digby had a hard game to play. On the appointed day the Houses met. On the 21st, the Commons were called up to the House of Lords, to hear a statement on behalf of the King, wdio was detained at Newmarket by real or affected illness. The proceed- ings were opened by AVilliams. He spoke, men said, " more like a divine than a statesman or orator."| He recommended the Commons " to avoid all long harangues, malicious and cunning diversions," and to postpone all business, except the grant of a supply for the Palatinate, till their next meeting in February. J Then Digby rose : the one man in England who could avert, if yet it were possible, the evil to come. Of no party, he shared in all that was best in every party. With the Puritans, he would have resisted the encroach- ments of the Catholic Powers at home and abroad. With the King he was anxious to put an end to religious war, and to grant religious liberty to the English Catholics. On the Continent he would have done that unselfishly, and in the interest of the world, which Richelieu after- wards accomplished selfishly, and in the interest of France. Such designs, so vast and so far reaching, might easily take root in the brain of a dreamer. But Digby was no dreamer. He knew that there were times when the road to peace lay through the gates of war, and that that time had almost come. Now or never Spain must be made to understand that she must choose her side. Digby 's statement was a very simple one. He spoke of the King's efibrts to maintain peace, of the hojDes of suc- cess which had attended his own embassy at Vienna, of the terror inspired by Mansfeld's army, of the change which, at the instigation of the Duke of Bavaria, had come over the Emperor s intentions, and of the conse- quent renewal of the war. The King, he said, must now * Gondomar to the Infanta Isabella, t Chamberlain to Carleton, Nov. 24. X Proceedings and Debates, ii. 183. i— ^- Simancas MSS. Est. 2518. Dec. 1 S. P. Dom. cxxiii. 122. digby's declaeatiox. 121 " either abandon his children, or declare himself by a Ch- VUl. war." The King of Spain had written " to the Emperor i62i. effectually for peace," and it was " the fault of the Empe- Nov. ror that it was not effected." It remained, therefore, to be considered what course was to be now pursued. The force of twenty thousand men under Vere and jMansfeld, would be sufficient to hold the Lower Palatinate durino; the ranter. But if this were to be done, monev must at once be sent. Mansfeld's soldiers were mere mercenaries, and if they were left any longer without their pay, they would soon be in open mutiny. An additional army must be sent in the spring, and the cost of maintain- ing such an army for a year would not be less than 900,000^.* Cranfield followed, uro-ins; a Hberal supply, without anuede es]ierar en servicio de Dios y de Vuestra Majestad sin oposicion, en que e^ Mar- ques de Boquinguam a tenido gran parte, y merece muchas gracias." Gondomar to Philip IV., Jan. ^. Simancas MSS. Est. 2518. 154 Ch. vitt. 1621. December. IMPRISONMENT OF MEMBERS. 1 Imprisou- meut of Coke. 1622. January. of Plielips anil Mal- lory. Treatment of Pym, of Di^'ges, and others. leaders nor strong places to lean upon. Besides, they are rich and live comfortably in their houses ; so that it is not likely that there will be any disturbance." " The King," he wrote, a day or two later, " seems at times deeply dis- tressed at the resolution which he has taken to leave all and to attach himself to Spain. Yet he sighs deeply, and says that if he acts otherwise these Puritan malcontents will cause him to die miserably.^' * Even now James could not make up his mind to issue the proclamation dissolving Parliament. As the critical moment approached, he himself perhaps felt more keenly the importance of the step which he was about to take. Gondomar took good care to widen the breach between the King and the leaders of the House.f He had lost no opportunity of urging James to punish them for their insolence, and his efforts were unhappily crowned with success. Coke was the first to be sent for. His position as a Councillor was regarded as a special cause for irritation. On the 27th of December he was committed close pri- soner to the Tower, and Sir Eobert Cotton and two other persons were commissioned to search his papers. It was given out at first that he was not questionecl for anything that he had done in Parliament ; but it was impossible long to keep up such a deception. In a few days two other members of the House, Phelips, who had been foremost in the onslaught upon Spain, and Mallory, of whose special offence we are ignorant, fol- lowed Coke to the Tower. J Pym was also ordered to place himself in confinement in his own house in London. Three months later he was allowed, on the plea of ill health, to exchange the place of his restraint for his country-house in Somersetshire. § For Sir Dudley Digges and one or two others a punish- Siviancas MSS,. * Gondomar to the Infanta IsabeUa, ^^''■JAIJ ^g^i^ ' Jan. 1, 2 ' -^ Est. 2558. t Gondomar to PhiHp IV., Jan, |, 1622. Simancas MSS. Est. 2518. ^ t Qiamberlain to Carleton, Jan. 4, 1622. Locke to Carleton, Jan. 12. »S'. P. Doin. cxxvii. 8, 26. The three prisoners, as will be seen, were released in the following Augnst. § Council Register, April 20, 1622. THE DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT. 15.3 ment was invented against wliich they would find it Ch. YIII. difficult to complain. They were named members of a I622. commission which was about to be sent over to investi- January, gate the grievances of Ireland. It is true that their expenses were to be paid ; but James judged rightly that they would prefer keeping Christmas amongst their families at their own expense to a compulsory tour in the depth of winter amongst the Irish bogs. With the imprisonment of Phelips and Mallory all Pariia- James's hesitation was at an end. In spite of Pembroke's solved. renewed entreaties, the proclamation dissolving Parlia- ment appeared on the 6th of January. That day had almost been the last of James's reion. Eidinoj in Theo- balds Park in the afternoon, his horse thrcAv him into the New Eiver, so that " nothing but his boots were seen." Sir Richard Young jumped into the water and pulled him out. He was well enough to ride home, was put into a warm bed, and got up the next day none the worse for the accident. In the proclamation which was now issued, James jg^j^^e I attempted to throw the blame of what had happened on of ins j a few of the leaders of the Commons. " Some particular c'^"*^^'^^- members," he said, " took such inordinate liberty not only to treat of our high prerogative, and of sundry things that without our special direction were no fit suIj- ijects to be treated of in Parliament, but also to sj)eak \ with less respect of foreign princes, our allies, than was } fit for any subject to do of any anointed king though in enmity and hostility with us." They had disputed on "words and syllables of" his letters, and they had claimed, " in ambiguous and general words," privileges which derogated from the rights of the Crown, possessed not only in the times of earlier kings, " but in the blessed reign of" his "late predecessor, that renowned Queen Elizabeth." * This at least must be conceded to James, that the rights which he claimed were rights of which, as he said, " he found his crown actually possessed." Unfortunately jfor him, he could not see that the legacy which Elizabeth * Mead to Stuteville, Jan. 10. Meddiis to Mead, Jan. IL //(()•/. MSS. 1389, tbl. 127,129. 156 OVERTHROW OF DIGBY S POLICY. 1622. January Digby's policy. Ch. VIII. ijad left liim was one of a nature to clo liim more harm than good. Of all to whom the dissolution of Parliament brought anxiety and grief, there was not one who was more com- petent to estimate the ruinous consequences of James's blunder than Digby. When he first returned from the Continent he soon discovered that his great designs would find no favour with Buckingham. One day, it is said, as he was speaking in the Council of the courtesy which he had received from the Emperor, the favourite expressed his astonishment that he had repaid them so ill, "AVlien I receive courtesy as a private man," an- swered Digby, with that quiet dignity which never left him, " I strive to repay it by personal services ; but, as a man of honour, I will never repay them at my master's cost." * One attempt he had made to avert the catastrophe which he dreaded. On the 14th of December he had entreated the Lords to demand a conference with the Commons, with the object of pleading once more the imminence of the danger in Germany. If money, he said, had been sent liberally to the Palatinate, imme- diately upon his return, the whole face of affairs would have been changed. The Princes of the late Union, the Elector of Saxony, the Kings of Denmark and Sweden would have rallied to the standard set up in opposition to the encroachments of the Emperor. In the request thus urged the Lords at once acquiesced. But it was too late. The Houses were adjourned before Digby could find an opportunity of stating his case to the Lower House.f The dissolution of Parliament was a crushing blow to Digby. He at least knew better than to cherish the delusion which had imposed upon the feeble mind of James. In conversation with those friends in whose secresy he could confide, his language was most despond- ing. It had pleased the King, he said, to quarrel with His vexation. * Timbre's Despatch, Nov. ^1, 1621. Raumer, ii. 319. t Parliamentary History, i. 1365. Gondomar to tlie Infanta Isabella, j^ ^, 1621. Simancas MSS. Est. 2558. GONDOMARS TRIUMPH. 157 liis subjects, and not even to argue with them on the Ch. viii. offers which they made with the intention of doing him I622. all the service that he could desire. If he had listened January, to his Parliament, he might have laid down the law in Europe. As it was, he would have to o-bey the King of Spain ; and he must not be surprised if, now that he had no other arms in his hands than supplications, his diplo- macy turned out as badly at Madrid as it had done in Vienna. To James himself Digby conveyed the same lesson in a more courtly form. As long as there had been any doubt, he said, of the turn which affairs would take, he had recommended that England should remain on good terms with the enemies of Spain. Now, how- ever, he must tell him that he would ruin himself if he did not place himself altogether in the hands of the Spanish Government.* Whatever face he might put upon the matter in public, <^o™- Digby knew that he had failed, and that the victory had {1™^!! been won by his Spanish rival. So signal, indeecl, was J^igbyauci his defeat, that, but for the credit which he subsequently acquired by his resistance to the arrogance of an unpo- pular favourite, his name would probably have passed out of the memory of all but a few diligent students of the bye-paths of history. Yet if the worth of a states- man be judged rather by that which he is than by that which he is permitted by circumstances to accomplish, it is absurd to think of a man like Gondomar as entering into competition with him for a moment. For, if it be the true test of statesmanship to know the wants of the age, and to remove gently and firmly the impediments which stand in the way of their satisfaction, then are all Gondomar's momentary triumphs beneath contempt. With great knowledge of human nature, and with a transcendent power of playing upon the hopes and pas- sions of his instruments, he gained from fortune the fatal boon of success. He wrested the solution of the great European problem from the hands of the King of England to transfer it to the hands of his own master. • * Gondomar to tlie Infanta Isabella, ^^£-rr i621. Simancas MSS. _ ' Jan. 1 ' Est. 2558. 158 digby's greatness. Ch. VIII. ;But that was all. In tlie unreal atmosphere in which he 1622. lived, in his utter blindness, not merely to the religious January, strencfth of Protestantism, but to the physical forces which it could command, he did his best to urge on the Spanish Government and nation to an impossible enter- prise— to the conversion, half by force and half by cajolery, of all that remained Protestant in Europe. With what results to Spain the effort was attended it is unnecessary to say. To Digby's clear eye and resolute will such a blunder was impossible. Weighing each element in the Euro- pean crisis at its just value, detecting the strength and the weakness alike of friend and foe at a glance with singular imj)artiality, he turned neither to the right nor to the left from love of popular sympathy or from the hope of royal favour. No statesman of his age held opinions which were so little in harmony with the theo- ries which prevailed in the House of Commons. No minister of James refused so utterly to compromise his dignity by stooping to flatter Buckingham. And now, in 1621, the chance had been offered him, a chance which was never to return, of settling European society upon a permanent basis, whilst it was still unexhausted by the prolonged agony of the impending conflict. By fixing a territorial limitation to the two religions, he would have removed the causes of religious war. That he would have placed his own country at the head of European nations is indubitable. But he would have done more than that. He would have woven closely the bonds which still attached the hearts of the people to the throne of the Stuarts. James's love of peace, and the warlike zeal of the Lower House, would equally have served his purpose ; for he would have taught the Sove- reign and his subjects to work together for a common end, and to learn to bear each with the other's weakness, and to understand each the other's strength. It may be that in any case all this would have been but a dream. Even Digby could hardly have hoped to bend all the opposing elements of the strife to his will. It was, perhaps, not merely James's petulant vanity which ruined his hopes. But at least he deserved success as THE STATESMANSHIP OF THE FUTURE. 159 few have ever done. Wlien Eng'land looks around her ^Jh. VIII. for guides in the thorny path of foreign policy, it would 1622. be weU for her to think for a moment of the forgotten J^-auaiy. statesman who, in more propitious times, would have graven his name upon the tablets of history in lines as firm as any which have been drawn by the Pitts and the Cannings whose deeds have become amongst us as household words. I CHAPTER IX. Ch. IX. 1622. January. The new year. Gondo- niar's plan lor break- injr the Llotkade of the Flemisli ports. THE CONFERENCE AT BRUSSELS. The new year opened under unpropitious auspices. Tliere were few who did not acknowledge with a sigh that the times were evil, and that reformation was slow in coming. " I am ready to depart/' said the dying Sir Henry Saville, " the rather that having lived in good times, I foresee w:orse." '" The dissolution of Parliament fell like a blight upon all who had fancied that Eng- land was to be an instrument for good in Europe. Buck- ingham's passionate self-will, it seemed, was to rule supreme, so far at least as he was anything more than an unsuspecting tool in the hands of Gondomar. One success alone was wanting to crown the diplo- matic career of the Spanish Ambassador. He had, as everyone but James knew, made active interference in the Palatinate impossible. It would be a master-stroke of policy if he could embroil England with the Republic of the Netherlands. He had watched with pleasure the preparations which James was making in defence of what he called his honour in the narrow seas, and had constantly urged him to lose no time in breaking the Dutch blockade of the Flemish harbours. Nor was he content with trusting to the uncertain activity of James. Some English merchants, careless of public opinion, had proposed to allow him to hire from them eight or ten ships ready manned, to be employed in opening the ports. James at once gave his consent ; and Gondomar, to whom anything was acceptable which would bring Englishmen into collision with the Dutch, threw himself heartily into the scheme. But he had forgotten to ask the consent of the English people. Not a sailor would * Chcamberlain to Carleton, Feb. 16, 1622. S. P. Dom. cxxvii. 101. DISPUTES ON THE EAST INDIA TRADE. 161 agree to serve on board his vessels, and in tlie end he ^^- ^^- was compelled to abandon tlie design/'" i62i. Yet, if he was baffled here, he had still reason to hope ^°^- that his work would be done by James. The Dutch Jomm?*-^^ Commissioners, whose coming had been so long expected, sioners in arrived at last in November. After some delay, a nego- °° ^^ ' tiation was opened for the restitution of the value of the EngHsh goods which had been seized in the East. The Commissioners professed their readiness to make good the losses of the East India Company. But as the articles in question had been brought to Europe by Dutch vessels, they claimed to make a deduction of 130/. per last for freight. By the English negotiators the justice of the demand was acknowledged in principle ; but its amount was pronounced to be exorbitant : 25/., or at most 28/,, it was said, was the usual payment. They were however ready, for the sake of peace, to go as far as 35/. The 1622. Dutch refused to abate a penny of their original demand, February. and, for the time at least, the negotiations were broken off.t That James should have been deeply annoyed by the Proposed exorbitant pretensions of the Dutch, was only natural, ^tt^^k -r, -111 T 1 • n 1 1 • "P"'^ *"^ l3ut it showed but little perception ot the relative value Nether- of the objects for which he was .striving, that he should, ^^^^^' at this critical moment, have revived the project for a joint attack by England and Spain upon the territories of the Republic. Yet there can be no doubt that before the month of January was at an end, Digby had received instructions to bring forward such a proposal at Madrid as soon as the marriage treaty was concluded.:}: It would however be long before that period arrived ; * Philip IV. to the Infanta IsabeUa, ^-f , 1621. Brussels MSS. Sal- vetti's News-Letters, f^r~, Feb. . Gondomar to Philip IV., Jan. -. Si- mancas MSS. Est. 2518. The Dutch Commissioners to the States General, Feb. Ji. Add. MSS. 17,677 K, fol. 192. t The Dutch Commissioners to the States General, Feb, -, Add. MSS. 17,677 K, fol. 192. Council Register, Feb. 9. X The fomlh point of his instructions, wrote Gondomar to Philip IV. on the ~ of January, " es tratar con V. Mag"*, de la reducion de las provincias de Olanda, y hazer para esto muy estrecha liga ofFensiva y deffensiva, dandole V. Mag"^. algo a este Rey desta empenada." The VOL. II. M 162 THE FLEET IN THE NARROW SEAS. Ch. IX. and in the meanwhile more legitimate efforts might be 1622. made to o1)tain redress. In the midst of these disputes, February, news cume that two Dutch ships returning from the East Attempt liail been seen passing Plymouth. Orders were accord- twrDutcii ingly given to Oxford, who had been appointed to the ."•iiips. command of the fleet in the narrow seas, and who had hurried down to Dover to take the command, charging him to do his best to intercept them. But Oxford was either unlucky, or had no heart in the business, and the vessels found their way safely into a Dutch port.* Capture of UusuccGssful as tlic attempt had been, it was not a third without cffcct upou tlic Commissiouers. They had no ^ "^" wish to see their East India ships running the gauntlet of a hostile squadron, and they wrote to the Hague, siarcii asking permission to yield the point at issue. Their re- quest was at once granted. No sooner had the answer arrived, than they went through the form of demanding an audience of James, and of assuring him that they withdrew their pretensions in deference to his superior wisdom. They were just in time. Scarcely had the concession been made, when news arrived that a Dutch East Indiaman had been captured in the Channel by two ships of the royal navy. Fortunately, James was now again in a good humour. He told the Commissioners that their ship had been taken by mistake ; that it should Oxford ^® imm'ediately restored ; that he had recalled the Earl recalled, of Oxford ; and that he wished for nothing better than to be on good terms with the Eepublicj" The negotiations with the Dutch were at once re- sumed. The recall of Oxford, regarded by all who hated Spain as a signal that James would desist from any further intention of coming to blows with the Dutch, statement is corroborated by frequent cautious allusions in Digby's des- patches, and by a paper of instructions to him and to Buckingham, which will be mentioned in its proper place. * Salvetti's Neios-Letters, Feb. t The Dutch Commissioners to the States General, Feb. ^J, March 11' 26' IP -) 29 March 29 ^p^.^ 3 . Add. MSS. 17,677 K, fol. 192, 195, 204. Calvert to Carleton, Feb. 7, March 6, 24, April 3. Carleton to Calvert, IMarch 9. S. J'. Ilulland. Salvetti's News-Lciter, March -. ■60 oxford's imprisonment. 163 was received witli enthusiastic demonstrations of joy ; *-^- ^X. and so deeply had the hatred of Spain penetrated, that 1622. amongst those whose faces were beaming with delight ^larch. were to be seen merchants who had suffered consideraljly from the unprovoked attacks of the Dutch in the East.* And yet it was from no friendly feeling towards the Netherlands that James had decided upon recalling Oxford. Gondomar had long been pleading for the removal of a commander whom he had represented as a great Puritan, and a pensioner of Holland. Oxford was probably not a pensioner of Holland, and it is certain that, excepting in the political sense of the His iniini- word, he was not a Puritan. But he detested Spain from somuent. the Ijottom of his heart, and he, at least, knew well to whose influence his recall was to be ascril:)ed. He was not a man to measure his words. England, he Vv^as heard to say, was altogether ruined. They had a King who had placed his ecclesiastical supremacy in the hands of the Pope, and his temporal supremacy in the hands of the King of Spain. James ^^'as now nothing better than Philip's viceroy. This violent language was soon re- ported at Whitehall. The Earl was immediately sent to the Tower, and James talked of bringing him to trial for high treason, and of cutting off his head.f Whilst he was still at large, Oxford had found an opportunity of showing that his contempt for the King- extended to the favourite. Early in the preceding year jr3,.,.ia„c it had been nunoured that a baroain had been struck, of EUza- in accordance with Avhich a young gentleman of the jlfVns. bedchamber named Wray, who had managed to secure the good will of Buckingham, was to marry Elizal)etli Norris, the daug-hter and heiress of the newly created Earl of Berkshire.:): Time passed away, and a new arrangement was made. The young lady was now to be the wife of Christopher Villiers, whose previous wooing had ended in grievous disappointment. The match appeared to be the more advantageous, as her father had * Salvetti's Netvs-Letter, liiLji-. ' April 1 t Gondomar to Philip IV., May "q. Simancas MSS. Est. 2603. X Vol. i. p. 408. M 2 164 Ch. IX. 1622. March. MARRIAGE OF ELIZABETH NORRIS. ^ 1621. Bacon at Gorham- liury. October. Question of the sale of York House. recently committed suicide, and had left her in actual possession of his estates. But, as usual, the very name of Bucldngham's brother as a suitor was received with every mark of disapprobation by the lady to whom his addresses were paid. Elizabeth Norris, it would seem, had not cared much for Wray ; but an3rthing was better than to become the wife of Christopher Villiers. One morning she slipped away from the house of the Earl of Montgomery, under whose charge she was living, and before any one had time to interfere, was married to her last year's lover. Oxford, it was said, was privy to the plot ; and it was in his house that the young couple took refuge as soon as the wedding was over. James was very angry ; but all that he could do was to turn Wray out of his place in the bedchamber, and to leave the unlucky wooer to console himself as best he might. Another member of the great house, Sir William Fielding, the plain country gentleman, who had had the good luck to marry Buckingham's sister in the days of her poverty, had been raised to the peerage as Baron Fielding, in 1620. He was now to be known by the higher title of Viscount Fielding, and had lately, by Cranfield's resignation, become Master of the Wardrobe. Whilst the doors of the peerage were thus flung widely open to Buckingham's relations, the favourite continued to measure all public business by the scale of his per- sonal interests and antipathies. Not long after Bacon's return to Gorhambury, in the preceding summer, he had received an intimation that his great patron was desirous of purchasing the remainder of his lease of York House. The proposal, Buckingham may well have thought, was not likely to meet with a refusal ; for the house was too large to be any longer suitable for Bacon in his strait- ened circumstances, and any other man in his position would have been only too glad to rid himself of the incumbrance. But Bacon, as was so often the case when any question of expenditure was mooted, allowed his feelings to get the better of his reason. The house had been his father's ; there he had been born, and there he * Chamberlain to Carleton, March 30. S. P. JJom. cxxviii. 96, 97. Locke to Carleton, March 30. BACON AT GORHAMBURY. 165 wished to die. His wife liked the place, and he could ^^- I^- not turn her out of doors.* Buckingham was highly i62i. incensed at the rebuff ; yet he did not break out openly October, into a passion. He preferred putting himself ostenta- tiously forward as Bacon s protector. At his intercession Bacon's the heavy parliamentary fine of 40,000?. was made over ^JtJ^' to trustees of Bacon's own nomination.']' A few days later, the vii'tual remission of the fine was followed by a general He re- pardon, which, though the penalties imposed by Parlia- genemi ment were excepted from its operation, left him free pardon, from any further molestation on account of irregularities committed during his ofticial career ; | and this j)ardon he obtamed in spite of the opposition of Williams, who was naturally anxious, on the eve of the re- assembling of Parliament, not to give ofience to the House of Commons. § Buckingham probably still hoped to carry his point by But is not a mixture of friendliness and severity. He knew well iJveTn that the clause in Bacon's sentence which prohibited him London, from comino- within twelve miles of the Court was most distasteful to him. At Gorhambury the cold blasts of winter were far too keen for his enfeebled constitution, and he was now earnestly pleading for the extension of a temporary permission to visit London which had been recently accorded to him. In this, however, Buckingham, as he soon found, would give him no help. He would not even see him. Bacon might keep the lease of York House in his hands, if he pleased, but he should not live under its roof. || For the time, indeed, there were special reasons for refusing Bacon's request. Whilst Parliament was sitting, James might well fear that the late Chancellor's presence in London would "be a general distaste to the whole * Buckingham to Bacon, Oct. 1, 1621. Bacon to Lennox, Jan. 30(?), 1622. JForks, ed. Montagu, xiii. 33 ; xii. 420. t Grant to Hutton and others, Oct. 14, 1621. Patent Bolk, 19 Jac. L, Part 16. X Pardon, Oct. 17, 1621. Patent Rolls, 19 Jac. I., Part 16. § Williams to Bacon, Oct. 18. Bacon to Williams, Oct. 18. Bacon to Buckingham, Oct. 18. Buckingham to Bacon, Oct. 20. Bacon's JVor];s, ed. Montagu, xii. 412; xiii. 34. Williams to Buckingham, Oct. 27. Cabala, 263. II Bacon to Buckingham, Oct. 1621. Bacon's Works, ed. Montagu, xii. 272. IGG THE SALE OF YOKK HOUSE. Ch. IX. 1622. January. Tlie Lar- i:am lor Yr>rk Hoxise. February. Itlarcli. state.''* But Avitli the dissolutiou, the ohjection fell to the groimd. without affecting Buckingham's resolution in the sUghtest degree. Luckily for Bacon, an opportunity presented itself, which enabled him, in some measure, to soothe the wounded vanity of the favourite. Lennox wrote to ask for the house. Bacon replied that he was determined not to part with it to any one ; and that if there were no other obstacle in the way, he owed it to Buckingham not to dispose of it to any other than himself, f The compliment was well aimed. Buckingham A\Tote at once to say that he should be sorry to prevent him from dealing as he pleased with his own property. As soon as it was possil^le, he would move his Majesty ot relax the restriction upon his place of abode. As for himself, he was ah-eady provided with another house.:}: Still, however, Bacon was left without the permission to return to London, which he so anxiously expected. At last, after some weeks, he was told that he might come as far as Hif^jhoate. Sackvillc, who was actino: in the matter as Bacon's friend, expostulated with Buckingham on the restriction. " Sir Edward," was the answer, " how- ever you play a good friend's part for my Lord St. Alban, yet I must tell you I have not been well used by him." It finally came out that Cranfield wanted the house, and that Buckingham intended him to have it. "If York House were gone," wrote Sackville to Bacon, "the town were yours." Bacon bowed to necessity, gave up the lease, and obtained in return permission to come to London as soon as he pleased.§ It was not to Cranfield, however, that the house was surrendered. Buckingham did not lose much time in getting it into his own posses- sion, and he continued to occupy it during the remainder * Buckingham to Bacon, Oct. Bacon^s Works, ed. Montagu, xiii. 33. t Lennox to Bacon, Jan. 29. Bacon to Lennox, Jan. 30 (?). Bacon^s tVorh, cd. ]\l()ntagu, xii. 419, 420. X Buckin-ham to Bacon, Feb. 4 (?). Sackville to Bacon, March 11 (?), (not Uny 11, as printed). Bacon's Works, ed. Montagu, xii. 35, 431. § Meanlys to l^aeon, March 10 (0- SackvUle to Bacon, March 10 (?). Bacon to Cranfield, ]\Iarch 12. ]\Ieantys to Bacon, March. Bacon to Buck- ingham, March 20. Bacon's Works, ed. Mo^itagu, xii. 425, 431, 427; xiii. 36. BUCKINGHAM AXD THE HOWARDS. 167 of liis life. Akeady, however, before tlie bargain was _^i_15i. struck, the favourite had taken up his quarters at Wall- 1622. ino-ford House, which he had purchased from Lord Wall- ^^^!*- ingiord." He was now agam on thoroughly good terras ham's re- with the Howards. Suffolk's second son was created 1^^^"-^^^^ Viscount Andover ; and, after an imprisonment of six the How- years, Somerset and his wife were released from the Tower, ^'^^• and allowed to come forth into ca world which had almost forgotten their former oTeatness.t There was something more than a personal reconcilia- tion in these advances made by the favourite to the family which, three years before, he had crushed down with an unsparing hand. The Howards were all, more or less, in close connection with the Catholics, and in his vexation with the House of Commons and with the Comi; of the exiled Frederick, Buckingham with his usual impetuosity was, for the time being, a zealous protector of the Catholics. Nor was this all. For those who were admitted to his confidence were well aware that it was by no means impossible that before many months elapsed he AYOuld himself be a declared memlDer of the Church of Rome. For the moment he was peculiarly susceptilDle to domestic influences. His wife's conversion, in spite of the eloquence of AVilliams, had l^eeii merely nominal, and his mother had recently been giving ear to the persua- sions of a Jesuit, who was generally known by the assumed name of Fisher. :j: Lady Buckingham, in truth, y was made of the very stuff to be easily moulded by a j Jesuit's hand. Without the slio-htest wish to become i either wiser or better, she was lookiuo- about for a relioion \ to make her comfortable, and in an infallible Church which would save her the trouble of thinking she found > exactly what she Avanted. At what time this selfish and unprincipled woman first (;onfirnia- gave ear to Fisher's soothmg strains is uncertain ; but on B°"i°^,p. the 3rd of Januaiy a comedy was played which we shall jiam niA hardly be wrong in ascribing to the King's remonstrances. ^^ ''°" ^' * Chamljerlain to Caiieton, Jan. 19. N. P. Bom. cxx-vii. 35. IiKleiituro between Wallingford and Buckingham, May 27. Close Rolls, 2(1 Jac. I., Part 27. The price given was 30(K)/. t Commission to Sir A. Apsley, Jan. 17. /S'. P. Grant Bool:, \\ 340. % His real name was Percv. 168 laud's confeeence with fisher. Ch. IX. Accompanied by two or three courtiers, by his wife and 1622. mother, by his sister, Lady Fielding, and his sister-in- Januaiy. hiw, Lady Purbcck, by one kinswoman whom Lady Buckingham had just married to Serjeant Ashley, and by another kinswoman whom she was anxious to marry to any one who might present himself with a long purse, Buckingham went in state to dine with the Bishop of London. Before dinner was served, the whole party betook themselves to the chapel, to receive the rite of Conference Confirmation.* Such a demonstration could have but little Flsherand inAuencc ou the wavcrcrs, and, as a last resource it was White. suQ-aested that it would be well to invite the Jesuit to discuss with some Protestant divine the main questions at issue between the Churches. Dr. White, one of the Royal chaplains, was accordingly selected for the pm-pose, and conferences were held on two several occasions, in the presence of the King, the Lord Keeper, the Marquis, the Marchioness, and the Countess of Buckingham. James himself entered into the strife, and produced nine questions, which he called upon the Jesuit to answer. As far as Buckingham's mother was concerned, it was soon evident that any discussion of particular doctrines would be absolutely thrown away. She considered, she said, "that it was not for her, or any other unlearned person, to take upon them to judge of particulars." She wished to depend "upon the judgment of the true Church." All that she required was to be informed in which direction to look for the "continual, infallible, visible Church."! Jiay 24. To the issuc thus taken, Laud was called upon to reply between iustcad of White. It was not without reason that, in Sr''"'^ lifter years, he recurred with satisfaction to the part which he took on this occasion. J: For a moment we may well forget the harsh and rugged disciplinarian in the argument which he that day poured forth. He pointed those who were seeking for truth to the scriptures and creeds. Beyond these, he would admit of no infallibihty, * Chamberlain to Carleton, Jan. 4. S. P. Dom.. cxxvii. 8. _ t Conference with Fisher. Laud's Works, ii. 2. See also Preface, IX. — xii. X Conference with Fisher. Laud's Works, ii. 359. laud's influence over BUCKINGHAM. 169 of no irreversible decision. To him declarations of ^^- l^- general councils were like Acts of Parliament. They I622. were to be accepted for the sake of order, but they were ■'^^^y- to be always open to further investigation, always liable to be repealed, if proved by argument to be faulty. Upon Lady Buckingham such reasoning was utterly thrown away. Could she be saved in the Church of Eome 1 was the question which rose to her lips as the disputants closed the discussion. Laud could not say that it was impossible. Could she be saved, she then demanded, in the Protestant faith. " Upon my soul," replied Fisher, " there is but one saving faith, and that is the Eoman."* Such an answer was decisive with one who was seeking not for truth but for safety. For some time she continued to conceal her resolution, and even received the Sacrament publicly in the Royal Chapel ; but before the summer was at an end, she announced that she had changed her religion, and was in consequence ordered to abstain from presenting herself at Court. f Buckingham himself was more tractable. Thirtv v? ars Land and later, if he had lived so long, he might perhaps have iiam.' '" followed his mother's example. But he had not yet reached the age when men of his stamp become seriously alarmed for the safety of that soul, the purity of which they have done so little to guard. His choice was soon made. He ]3rofessed his satisfaction with Laud's argu- ments. He even went so far as to ojffer to lav bare before him the secrets of his heart, and to look to him on all occasions of difficulty for that assistance which in Catholic lands a penitent is accustomed to expect from his confessor. :f No doubt amidst much bad advice. Laud may frequently have whispered good counsel into the favourite's ear ; but of what avail would be the wisest admonitions so long as the man remained the same giddy, self-seeking, passionate upstart that he had ever been ? The religious opinions of Buckingham and his mother Lami's were of no importance to any. one but themselves ; but on"rc-"^ Laud's reasoning cannot be safely passed over by any ]'g'o"s * Conference with Fisher. LavxVs IVorks, ii. 359. t Conference with Fisher. LumVs Works, ii. 413. Chamberhiin to Cixr- leton, June 8, 22, Sept. 25. S. P. Dom. cxxxi. 24, 53, cxxxii. 24. X Laud's Diary, June 15, 16. IForks, iii. 139. 170 Ch. IX. 1()22. May. EARLY LIFE OF DE DOMINES. M. A. De Domiuis. 1602. Becomes Arch- Itislioji of Spalatro. oue who desii-es to trace the progress of opiniou. It is true that he had no thought of conceding to individuals the right to promulgate independent doctrines, and that the liberty of which he was the champion was not likely to be of much practical use. The notion that truth would be advanced by men who, for the sake of order, were ready to acquiesce in the decrees of the last general council, and who were contented to urge their objections quiet, respectful way, in the mere hope that some % m a day or other another general council, better informed than the last, would meet to adopt their suggestions, was an idea which could only have commended itself to one who w^as better acquainted with books than with men. From the fierce revolt against falsehood and wrong doing which arms the champions of truth against the overlying weight of prejudice, and from the dust and din which accompany the hammers clanging upon the anvil on which the pure gold of a new thought is beaten out into forms of usefulness and beauty. Laud instinctiA^ely recoiled. Yet it w^as no light; thing that one to whom disorder was so hateful, should have raised his voice so strenuously against the doctrine which declares that it is the duty of the individual to submit his conscience without question to the authoritative decrees of an ecclesiastical organization. In no better way can justice be done to Laud's in- tellectual position, than by comparing it with that which had been assumed by a man Avhose actions were, about this time, attractino- considerable attention in Enoland. J\Iarco Antonio De Dominis, was a native of Dalmatia. He had been educated by the Jesuits at Padua ; but his active mind was little suited for the unreasoning sub- mission required by the statutes of his order, and he (juickly turned aside in search of a more independent life. His abilities and industry soon brought him prefer- ment, and in 1602, he became Archbishop of Spalatro, and primate of his native province. Three years afterwards, when the dispute between Paul V. and the Venetian Pepublic broke out, he took the warmest interest in the resistance made to the Pope's attack upon the criminal jurisdiction of the state over the clergy. With DE DOMINIS IN ENQLAND, l7l the miserable compromise by which Venice virtually sm'- .^f5i_i5-_ rendered its rights, he was, no doubt, deeply dissatisfied, 1605. for it was not in his nature to l3e swayed by mere Takes considerations of policy. Plunging deep into the founda- in the tions of the controversy, he set himself to master the dispute history and the constitution of the early church; and, Venice an i after long and anxious study, he came to the conclusion *^^^ ^°p''- that successive Popes had been guilty not merely of encroaching upon the temporal jurisdiction of the states of Europe, Ijut of the far more heinous crime of adding new and unwarrantable articles to the creed of the Church. Before him, as he pursued his investigations, arose that splendid vision which has dazzled the eyes of so many well-meaning and pious inquirers, the vision of a Church without either a visible head or internal disputes, of a Church governed by an aristocracy of virtuous and learned prelates, welcoming free discussion, but never coming to a wrong conclusion, and repressing the vagaries of error, not by the dungeon or the stake, but l)y the solemn force of unanswerable reasoning. At last, in 1616, De Domini.s had prepared forpublica- „.^'^^.''. tion at least a part of the great work in which his to Eng- principles were to be set forth ; but he soon found that i»'«'- he could never hope to obtain a hearing in any corner of Catholic Europe. In England he knew that an episcopal Church was to be found, which, at least in its externa] organization, answered to the ideal which he had formed ; and he had learned, from his conversations with AVotton's chaplain, the large-hearted and gentle Bedell, to ho]>e that he would there find a welcome for his ideas. He therefore made up his mind to seek a refuge in England. It was in no spirit of humility that the Ai'chbishop of Spalatro set foot upon our shores. To an abundant mea- sure of learning, he added all a scholar's vanity and ignorance of the world. Where popes and churches had missed the road, he alone saw clearly. To him England was no more than the fulcrum which would emil)le him to overturn the whole system of Papal reli- gion. Let his book once be publislied, and Christendom, recognising its errors, would bow its head before his teaching. Once more would be seen upon earth the 172 RECEPTION OF DE DOMINIS. Ch. IX. spectacle of an undivided Cliurcli, in which the Pope 1616. would find no place. Hisrecep- As far as his personal reception was concerned, his tion. highest expectations can hardly fail to have been satis- fied. Never before had an archbishop sought refuge in England after forswearing the errors of the Church of Eome. Crowds flocked round him, eager to catch a sight of the illustrious convert. Court was paid to him by the highest in the land. Prelates and peers vied in off'ering him costly gifts. The Archbishop of Canterbury received him into his house till he was otherwise provided for. James gave him a hearty welcome, and presented him to the Mastership of the Savoy and the Deanery of Windsor, two preferments which brought him in an income of 400/. a-year.* His giw- In a short time, however, the popular enthusiasm died miction, away. De Dominis was at liberty to prosecute his studies without impediment, and to publish successive volumes amidst the compliments of the learned ; but it was in vain that he looked for the slightest sign of readiness on the part either of the Church of England or of the Church of Eome to submit to his arbitration. Equally displeasing to his personal vanity was the dissatisfaction which was aroused by his ignorance of Enghsh habits. His income, though it was cjuite sufficient in those days to^ maintain an unmarried man in luxury, did not equal his desires. One day, therefore, he took the unusual course of pre- senting himself to a living in the gift of the Dean and Chapter of Windsor. At another time he attempted to take advantage of a flaw in a lease, so as to get a tenant's house into his own hands. He next made the discovery that the leases of the Savoy lands were legally forfeited to the King, and he proposed to James to pro- ceed against the tenants, and to restore the institution to its original purpose as a hospital for travellers. James, who knew well enough what the English feeling was on the subject of ecclesiastical property in lay hands, refused * Goodman's Statement (Court of King James, i. 340) is confirmed by the allegation of De Dominis himself, in a letter to the King (Feb. 16, 1622. ,S'. P. Dam. cxxviii. 103, xiii.), and must therefore be accepted in pre- ference to Hacket's calculation of 800/. HIS DISSATISFACTIOK 1/3 to listen to liim for an instant. "You are a stranger ^^- ^X- here," was his curt reply ; " leave things as you found IGI6. them." Such stories as these, told with considerable exaggera- tion,* were certain to detract from whatever popularity he yet retained. At last he fancied that an opportunity had arrived of gaining the position to which he believed himself entitled. He heard that the Archbishopric of York was vacant, and he hastened down to Theobalds to beg James to give him the second dignity in the • Enoflish Church. To his mortification, he was told that Archl)ishop Mathews was still living, and that no foreigner would be permitted to occupy an English bishopric. De Dominis was not long in learning that his faiku^e had been such as to bring upon him special ridicule ; for it was well known to everyone but himself that the old archbishop was accustomed from time to time to spread rumours of his own death, in order to enjoy the excite- ment caused amongst the crowd of suitors who were eager to step into his place. His views Bitterly as these disappointments must have been felt of tiie 1 -^ • 1 r 1 • • . xi Church of by a man so convmced ol his own importance, there were England, causes of a very diff'erent nature at Avork to render his position irksome. The Enghsh Church was by no means that which his imagination had depicted. Upon his arrival he had been warmly welcomed by Abbot and by those amongst the clergy who shared his admu\ation for the Calvinistic theology. When they heard him de- nouncing the Romish Babylon, and comparing the Pope to Pharaoh, they were ready to applaud him to the echo ; but with these men he had nothing in common excepting his dislike of the Papal supremacy. His ideas were, in the main, those of Laud ; yet between him and Laud , there was a great gulf which neither could pass over. I Both believed that the Church of England and the Church ' of Rome were branches of one Catholic Church. Both looked hopefully to the power of argument, and appealed to the decision of a general council. But Laud, the child &' * The original story about the Savoy, for instance, is evidently the one which I have adopted from Goodman ' (i. 344). In Fuller it assimies a much worse character 174 Ch. IX. 1622. 1622. lie pur- ] loses to leturn to Kome. lie an- nounces liis inten- tions. jrorton's renion- strimee. DE DOMINIS AND GREGORY XV. of the Eno'lish Eeformation, was contented if he could persuade himself that he was living m a society which lield the doctrines current in the primitive Church, whilst his desire for the reunion of a general council was little more than a pious wish entertained because it was neces- sary for the com2;)letion of his intellectual conception, but not likely to exercise any practical effect upon his con- duct. In the mind of De Dominis, the pupil of the Jesuits, the necessity of a visible Church unity was foremost. And so, in despair of effecting his object in England, he once more turned his eyes to Kome. Paul V. was dead, and the new Pope, Gregory XV., had been his friend in youth. Perhaps he might be induced to reform the Church, and to allow free discussion on controverted points. He might even be brought to acknowledge that the Churches of Rome and England were already portions of one undivided Church. It would then be easy for him to give his approbation to the Book of Common Prayer, and to explain satisfactorily those practices which were most repulsive to Protestants. In the midst of those meditations he heard that Greoforv had expressed his readiness to welcome him at Rome. He at once made up his mind to accept the offer. On the 16th of January, 1622, he announced his intention to the King. James was exceedingly angry, especially as a rumour had sprung up that De Dominis was to go on a special mission from himself, in order to reconcile Eng- land Avitli the Pope. Yet he contented himself with sending to inquire the motives of his conduct. He himself refused to see him, and, after allowing him time to make any explanations he wished, ordered him to leave the kingdom within twenty days.* Before he left England he received a visit from Bishop Morton, who did what he could to dissuade him from his * The account given by Fuller (v. 504 — 530) is evidently prejudiced. See testimony of Cosin {De Transuhstantiatione, cap 2, § 7), and Goodman as cited aliove. His own words are the best indication of his character, and the narrative of the transactions immediately preceding his departure (r * ,.p f In the original work of Pareus, the passage from which ins argu- the condemned propositions were taken, follow^ed upon a "'^"*- long and sustained argument against the Pope's jurisdic- tion over princes. Such an argument, however, if left to stand alone, would have exposed the writer to a crushino- retort. " What ! " some Jesuit mio;ht well have answered, " do you mean to say that kings and princes are to be subjected to no control whatever ? ]\tay they change the laws and religion of their subjects at their pleasure ? May they commit murder with impunity 1 " The answer of Pareus to this objection was singularly moderate. If a king, he said, should with his own hands make an attack like a common robber upon one of his subjects, he who is so treated may lawfully defend his own person from injury. Against religious and political t}Tanny only two remedies may be adopted. The clergy may point out to a notorious tyrant that he is breaking the laws of God and man, and, if he refuses to change his conduct, may cut him ofi" by excommunication from the communion of the Church. Neither the clergy, how- , ever, nor private persons may draw the sword against their Prince. But subordinate magistrates may take such measures as are necessary to defend the country against horrible oppression, and if security cannot other- * Collier's Ecclesiastical History, vii. 434. Hacket, 88. "Wood, Hist, et Ant. Univ. Ox. i. 327. 186 THE OXFORD OATH. Ch; IX. 1622. June. Interfer- ence with Oxford studies. Terms oii'eredand accejited l)y Fre- derick. ^vise be obtained, may even resist and depose tlieir Sovereign. Such language, translated into the equivalent phrases of modern times, would not now be considered very ap- palling. The liberty of the press and the legality of national resistance have, in England at least, long been counted amongst the common-places of politics. But in the beginning of the seventeenth century, they had a dano-erous sound, and it is no wonder that the King, who had just dismissed his Parliament m anger, and was scheming for a marriage which would, in all pro- bability, give him a Eoman Catholic grandson, should have been unwilling to listen to such reasoning with patience. If the University of Oxford had contented itself with answering the argument of Parens, it would have been well enough. But to present four propositions in a garbled form* to her students, and to require them to swear that they would never adopt them at any future time, was an act as injudicious as it was tyrannical. If men were to swear that they would disbelieve the arguments of Pareus, it was, perhaps, as well that they should not read them. James, accordingly, wrote to the Vice-ChanceUor, when he first heard of Knight's sermon, directing him to take care, " that those who designed to make divinity their profession, should chiefly apply them- selves to the study of the Holy Scriptures, of the Councils and Fathers, and the ancient schoolmen ; but, as for the moderns, whether Jesuits or Puritans, they should wholly decline reading their works."f If James could have succeeded in putting an end to the war in Germany, he would have had little need to trouble himself with the attacks to libellers or reasoners at home. As far as he was concerned, indeed, there were no signs of * The first proposition as condemned at Oxford is as follows : — " Episcopi et pastores magistratus suos impios aut injustos, si contumaces suit, possruit et debent de consensu Ecclesise Satanse tradere donee resipiscant." Wood, Hist, et Ant. Univ. Ox. i. 327. In Pareus's Commentary 1349, it stands thus : — Episcopi et pastores magistratibus suis inipiis aut injustis possunt ac debent resistere, non vi aut gladio, sed verbo Dei, arguendo eorum notoriam impietatem aut injustitiam, et ad ofiicium juxta verbum Dei et juxta leges faciendum eos cohortando, contumaces vero de consensu Ecclesiaj etiam Satanse tradendo, donee resipiscant." t Extract from the King's letter, April 24. Collier's Eccl. Hist. vii. 435. FRESH MEDIATION IX GERMANY. 187 clesponcleucy. In the preceding November lie had. at last ^^- ^•^- laid before Frederick categorically the terms on which he I622. was willino; to render him assistance. " The Count Pala- tine," he had demanded, " shall, for himself and his son, wholly renounce and acquit all pretence of right and claim unto the Crown of Bohemia, and the incorporated coun- tries thereof. He shall from henceforward yield all con- stant due devotion unto the Imperial Majesty, as do other obedient Princes, Electors of the Empire. He shall, upon his knee, crave pardon of the Imperial Majesty. He shall not hereafter, any manner of way, either unfittingly carry or demean himself towards the Imperial Majesty, or disturb his kingdoms or countries. He shall upon reason- al)le conditions reconcile himself with other his neioiibour princes and states of the Empire, and hold good friend- sliip with them ; and shall really do all other like things as is above contained, and that shall be reasonable or necessary." ^^ The terms thus laid down contained, indeed, all that the most impartial arbitrator could suggest. On the one hand, they denied to Frederick the right of piivate war, and they placed him in a position of inferiority towards the Chief of the Empire, to which the Princes of Ger- many had long been unaccustomed. On the other hand, they placed a decided barrier to the encroachments of the Roman CathoHc Church upon Protestant soil. But un- happily it was something more than wise suggestions that were needed to quench the flames of the German confla- gration. In his heart, Frederick would be contented with nothing short of the position of an independent sovereign. In his heart, Ferdinand would be contented with nothing short of the predominance of his Church. It was true that Frederick, not without allowing his dissatis- faction to be plainly seen, accepted his father-in-law's terms,! ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ Emperor expressed his determina- tion to send an ambassador to Brussels, in order to treat with James for a suspension of arms, to be followed by negotiations for a general pacification.:): * The King to Fenlinand II., Nov. 12, 1621. Cabala, 239. t Frederick to the King, Nov. 25. ^'. P. Gcrmann. t Ferdinand II. to the King, Jan. 4, 1627. Cabala, 241. Ferdinand II. to the Infanta IsaLella, Jan. 3. Brussels MSS. 188 MANSFELDS ARMY. m Ch. IX. Unhappily James was encouraged to take too favour- ^ 1622. able a view of the prospects of his mediation, by the sight The inter- yf ^ buudlc of despatches from Vienna to Madrid, which patchesl"^^" had not many weeks before fallen into the hands of Mans- feld. From these letters it appeared, indeed, that there could be no longer the slightest doubt of Ferdinand's resolution to transfer the Electorate. But it also ap- peared that he anticipated the resistance of the Spanish Government to his scheme. James was, therefore, right in calculating on the help which it was possible for him to derive from Spain. Where he was wrong was in sup- posing that he could count upon Spanish aid one moment after he had ceased to inspire the Court of Macliid with a belief in his strength. With the assurances which reached him from Spain, therefore, James was perfectly content. What mattered it, he thought, if Frederick and Ferdinand should prove recalcitrant, if only Philip were on his side. He accord- ingly ordered Weston to repair to Brussels as soon as the conference Avas opened by the Infanta, in order to settle the conditions for the suspension of arms. At the same time he fancied that he was giving a great jDroof of his vigour by authorising Vere to take the command of the royal troops in the Palatinate, as soon as he should be able to find money to pay them.* Fre- In truth, it was the want of money^ far more than the troiS ^ want of men, which was likely to be the stumbling block in his path. For Frederick's troops, even if they would, could not now carry on the war otherwise than as bri- gands. Without any basis of operations other than the ruined and exhausted Palatinate — without money and Avithout supplies — what could they do but throw them- selves in search of livelihood upon one Catholic district after another? AVar in those days was terrible enough, at its best, and deeds of blood . and shame weigh heavily upon the memory of the Catholic armies. But neither Spaniards nor Bavarians were forced to order their move- ments in accordance with the sheer necessity of plunder- ing. They were tolerably paid, and their commissariat was, at least to some extent, provided for. To their * CoiDLinission to Vere, Feb, 16. S. P. Germany. CHRISTIAN OF BRUNSWICK. 189 leaders war was not a necessity, and if the order for recall ^h. jx^ was given, there would be no difficulty in enforcing its I622. execution. March. Of the sentiments which prevailed in Mansfeld's camp, Hansfeid we happen to possess evidence in a letter which was at this time written by one of his officers. " The Bishopric of Spires," he says, " is ours. We are plundering at our ease. Our general does not wish for a treaty, or for peace. He laughs at the enemy. All his thoughts are fixed upon the collection of money, of soldiers, and of provisions. When the spring comes, he hopes to have fifty thousand men under arms. With this object he employs the strangest means of levying money. The Union has promised to bring into the field a force equal to ours. Knj-phausen and the nobility of the Palatinate are proposing, with the aid of the Landgrave of Hesse, to attack the territories of the priests, and to pillage them thoroughly before they retire. By this diversion the enemy will be compelled to divide his forces. If we come across a great square cap, we will take care to make it pay a wonderful ransom." The letter ended by point- ing out the ease with which the territories of Spnes, Worms, Mentz, and Alsace, might be cut up into princi- palities for the conquerors.* AVhilst Mansfeld was thus plundering the lands upon christian the Upper Ehine, another adventurer was making havoc i'viS!^™'"' of the Westphalian Bishoprics. Christian, the brother of the Duke of Brunswick- Wolfenbitttel, was the nephew of the late Queen Anne. At the age of seventeen he had been appointed Bishop or Administrator of Halberstadt, by one of those arrangements which were frequently em- ployed by the heads of Protestant Houses, whenever they wished to provide for their relations at the expense of the ecclesiastical domauis in their neio-hbourho(xl. The title assumed by him was purely nominal, and there was nothing episcopal about him, excepting his claim to enjoy the revenues of the see — a claim which, as it was not under the ouarantee of the Peace of Auosburo^, he would hardly be able to maintain in the face of a decisive victorv * I have omitted portions of the letter. The whole wiR be found in Villermont. TWj, i. 160. 190 HOPELESSNESS OF PEACE. Ch. IX. of i\^Q Imperialists in tlie Palatinate. As the cousin of the 1622. exiled Queen of Bohemia, he affected to put himself for- M;.reh. ^yard as her special chamjDion. He carried in his cap a glove, which she had once dropped, under which he bore the motto, " All for God and her." Against the ecclesi- astical principalities he vowed a special hatred. Wherever he came the churches were sacked, and the silver images were coined into pieces bearing the inscription, " God's friend, and the enemy of the priests." Fire and desola- tion marked his track, and the hovel of the peasant and the home of the citizen were regarded as lawful prey by the bands of ruffians whose commander counted it as the worst of crimes to live under a bishop's rule. Prospects Such wcrc the commanders into whose hands the for- o a truce, ^^j^^g q£ Qermau Protestantism had fallen. Ferdinand and Maximilian were not so far ^vTong when they spoke of peace as hopeless, excepting by a vigorous prosecution of the war. " I understand," wrote Vere, in language which might well have startled James out of the fool's paradise in which he was living, " by a chief officer of the Count JMansfeld, that he believes that there will be a truce, and is so much troubled at it, that he says it is intended to undo him, and is, therefore, resolved withal not to lay down his arms,"* About the same time a letter reached James from JVIansfeld himself. He was ready, he said, to be included in the negotiations for peace ; but it must be remembered that his master owed him no less than four million florins, and that there was not the slightest chance that he would ever be able to pay him. He therefore expected that Haguenau, an Austrian town in Alsace, which he had lately taken, should be made over to him in full possession, j" chiciies-^ It was evident that the time had passed when James sion. could interfere with advantage. With his exchequer filled with parliamentary subsidies, he might have exercised some influence over Mansfeld and Christian. But who was the King of England, that his mere word should check the career of these needy adventurers ? The deadly * Vere to Calvert, March 15. S. P. Germany. | t Mansfeld to the King, March. S. P. Germany. Misplaced amongst ■ the papers of 1623. Chichester's mission. 191 combat between anarcby and despotism must be fought Ch. IX. out now to its bitter end. James's attempts to cany 1622. on war were as futile as his attempts at diplomatic March, success. Already the ten thousand men whom he had pro- posed to levy for the Palatinate, were melting into an*. Chichester, indeed, whose splendid services in Ireland, deserved a better fate, had been di'ag-aed from his retire- ment, and ordered to betake himself to Heidelberg, that he might exercise a general supervision over his master's interests.* It was with no goodwill that he prepared for the bootless errand. He would rather, he said, give 500Z. to the Benevolence than go.f But his excuses were not admitted. The 20th of March, the day on which Digby left London- for Madrid, was fixed for him to set out, carrying with him the sum which would be needed for the supply of the intended army. The 20th of March arrived, but Chichester was stiU detained. The Benevo- lence came in slowly, and the money was not to be \idA.\ To hasten the payment, recourse was had to harsh and extreme measures. Several persons who had refused to contribute were told that they must make up their minds to accompany Chichester to the Palatinate. Amongst these, an aged citizen, who had formerly been a cheesemonger, was informed that his services would be needed to supply the army with cheese. § Yet so little did the threats of the Council effect, that March and April passed away before Chichester was enabled to set out. On the 3rd of April, Ferdinand's ambassador, the April. Count of Schwarzenberg, arrived in England. || James f^Jbe!-i,i was overjoyed at seeing him. The Palatinate, he declared, EugiauJ. would soon be restored. Spain was putting forth all its influence in favour of peace ; and, in spite of the Duke of Bavaria, the Emperor would be forced to suljmit.^ * Locke to Carleton, Jan. 19. »§. P. Bom. cxx^-ii. 3(5. t Locke to Carleton, Feb. 4. Courts to put his trust in words alone. The test which witirthe^ he selected of Philips sincerity was derived from his infanta. * Bristol to the King, Aug. 18, 1G23. S'. P. Spinn. Goudo mar's 220 gondomar's departure. Ch. IX. intimate knowledge of Spanish manners. In those 1622. southern countries it was considered the height of im- June. propriety to allow a lady to receive the addresses of a suitor before her parents or guardians had made up their minds to allow the marriage to take place. The ambas- sador, therefore, asked leave to visit the Infanta, and stated as his motive that he had a message to deliver from the Prince. His recjuest was immediately granted, and he was allowed to assure the lady "that as there was not the thing in the world which" the Prince " more desired than to see the treaty effected, so he hoped it was agreeable to her, and that she would aid in it." "I thank the Prince of England much for the honour which he does me," replied the Infanta, and the interview was at an end. Upon this visit Digby laid no little stress in his report of the sentiments of the Comi;. Yet he was not altogether at his ease. He added a request for positive instructions to come away at once, the moment that he was able to discover the slightest inclination to delay the conclusion of the treaty. If, however, he could believe the assur- ances that w^ere given him, there was no reason why the Infanta should not be in England in the spring.* May. For the moment, however, the Spaniards had a valid excuse for delay. They could not treat about the marriage recall. tiU a definite decision arrived from Eome ; they could not treat about the Palatinate till Gondomar, who had been recalled to Spain as the only man who was fit to cope with Digby,! arrived at Madrid. Gondomar's departure from London had been accom- panied by a general shout of exultation from the English people. No more unpopular ambassador has ever left our shores. In addition to the e^dls w^hich he undoubtedly caused, his memory was saddled with countless crimes of which he was no less undoubtedly innocent. Yet, after every deduction has been made, enough remains to justify the popular verdict. He had stood in the way of the * Di^rby to Calvert, Jime 30. Digby to the Prince of Wales, June 30. S. P. Spain. t This is the explanation given in a despatch of Philip to the Infanta Isabella, March ^. Brussels MSS. URGENCY OF DIGBY. 221 national resolve ; he had induced James, by alternately ^^- ^^- wheedling him and bullying him, to carry out the behests 1622. of the King of Spain. No other ambassador, before or ^^^y- since, succeeded so completely in making a tool of an Eng- lish king. So thoroughly had he earned the hatred of the people amongst whom he had been living, that his suc- cessor, Don Carlos Coloma, was for the moment almost popular in England. An honest soldier who had served in many a hard fight under the flag of his country was, it was thought, not likely to be an adept in those arts of dissimulation which had served Gondomar so well. jMeanwhile the course of events was bringing small July. comfort to Digby. One courier after another brought xir^entfor bad news from Germany. First it was the attack upon a cessation Darmstadt; then it was the dismissal of Mansfeld's °ies.°'' troops and the isolation of Frederick, lastly, he heard of the threatened siege of Heidelbero-. Yet he did not allow himself to be discouraged at the consequence of the neglect of his advice. " For my part," he "s^^?ote on the 13th of July, " I have been long of opinion, and so con- tinue still, that this business will never be brought to any good conclusion but by the absolute authority of these two kings, who must agree of such conditions as they shall judge reasonable, and reciprocally oblige themselves to constrain both parties to condescend unto them ; for aU other particular treaties will still be overthrown either by the inconstancy of the parties who will, from time to time, alter and change upon the advantage of accidents of war, or else be interrupted by continual jealousies and new provocations. This course I hope one day to see set on foot when once the business of the match is fuUy re- solved and concluded ; for I esteem that must be the basis and foundation upon which all the good corre- spondency and mutual exchange of good offices betA^dxt England and Spain must depend, and, that once taking effect, I shaU not much doubt of the other." * A few weeks later Dioby was able to mve a satisfoc- , '^"-"='*- tory report oi his negotiation. Gondomar nad arrived of the and had thrown his whole weig-ht into the scale in his ^^^^^^^ °^ & ' state. * DigLy to the Prince of Wale^:, July 13. 8. P. Spain. .>.).> DIGBY ON GERMAN AFFAIRS. Ch. IX. 1622. August. Digby's approval of the Assembly. James throws all responsi- bility upon Spain. July 14. Proposed sequestra- tion of the towns in the Pala- tinate. favour. The question of the Palatinate had been re- ferred to the Council of State, and it had been decided, after a full discussion, that complete satisfaction should be given to the King of England. No doubt Digby greatly overestimated the value of this decision. He did not know what was the extra- ordinary arrangement which was sujDposed by the mem- bers of the Council to be likely to give satisfaction to James, still less did he know what was the wilder scheme which had approved itself to Zuniga ; but, in factj it mattered very little whether the Spaniards were speaking truth or not. If James and Frederick could win the con- fidence of Protestant Germany, they might dictate their own terms to the Emperor ; if not, they must take what- ever the Courts of Vienna and Madrid would be pleased to give. With his master's foolish objections to the assembly at Ratisbon, therefore, Digby had no sympathy whatever. " It is a weakness," he wrote, " to think that this business can be ended without a diet.'' He felt truly that his part had been done. Sincerely, or not, the Spanish Government had consented to take up Fre- derick's cause ; it was James's business, not his, to make that cause palatable to the German nation.* Of all this, however, James had simply no conception whatever. That it was necessary for him to take any trouble about the matter, beyond that of writing occa- sionally a scolding letter to his son-in-law, never entered into his mind. Just as he had dealt with Raleigh live years before, he now proposed to deal with Philip. All responsibility for the restitution of the Electorate and the Palatinate was to be left to the King of Spain. If he succeeded, James would reap the benefit ; if he failed, he would declare war upon him, just as he had punished Raleigh's failure by sending him to the scaffold. It was while he was in this temper that he received information from Weston of an important proposal which had been unofhcially made to him at Brussels. Let Heidelberg, it was suggested, be neutralised, and assigned to Frederick as a residence, on condition of the surrender of Mannheim and Frankenthal to the Infanta, who would * Digby to Calvert, Aug. 9. S. P. Sjmin. WESTON AT BRUSSELS. 223 eusaofe to restore them to tlie English oarrisons whenever ^'"- ^^- the peace negotiations were brought to a elose one way or I622. other. " If peace and restitution be concluded," said '^^'y- Pecquius, in supporting the scheme, " yet, however the Prince Palatine promise, and his Majesty oblige himself, it may be thought there shall be demanded some places of caution at least for a time ; and, if it should come to that, I know not in whose hands they could more safely be deposited." * To the proposal thus made James refused to give even a moment's consideration. It was contrary, he declared, to his honour, and it did not offer sufficient securitv for the future. No doubt this was true enough ; but what better could he do ? He had already protested against Ferdi- nand's invitation to send an ambassador to Eatisbon, as a breach of the Emperor's engagement to enter into direct negotiations with himself f And if he would neither negotiate with the Emperor nor fight with him, there was nothing left but to throw himself unreservedly into the arms of the King of Spain, and to pick up the crumbs which fell from his table. In one respect at least Weston was an excellent servant. J^^^^I^'J^gg The absurdity of the position in which he was placed insnego- never dawned upon him for an instant. He gravely con- ti^tion. tinned to reiterate his master's demands for a suspension of arms in the 'Palatinate alone, which would have left Mansfeld free to strike his blows in whatever direction he pleased. To such a demand as this the Infanta had no power to assent. Ferdinand had commissioned her to come to terms with Frederick, on the supposition that he was able to dispose of the forces which he had raised. The Emperor would never, as she knew full weU, ratify any ao;reement which would leave the roving; bands of Mansfeld free to wander at theii* pleasure in search 01 booty. Nor was the danger by any means at an end since J["^m?^ Mansfeld's dismissal by his nominal master. ^\ hile laiue. * Weston to Calvert, Julv 19. ,'?. P. Spain. t The King to Ferdinand II., July 8. -S. P. Germany. 224 MANSFELD IN LOIIRAINE. Gh- IX. "VVeston was wasting his breath at Brussels, that captain 1622. of brigands had been offering his services to the highest ■^^^y- bidder, If his assurances Avere to be beheved, he was equally ready to serve the Emperor, the Infanta, the King of France, or the Dutch Eepublic. But answers were slow in coming in, and Alsace, stripped as by a swarm of locusts, no longer sufficed to support his army. The Archduke Leopold, too, who commanded the Emperor's forces in those parts, had received reinforcements from Tilly, and was ready to make head against him. Hastily evacuating that Haguenau which he had hoped to make his own for ever, he flung himself suddenly upon Lor- raine. Before crossing the frontier, however, he wrote to the Duke asking permission to pass through his territories on his way to France, in which country he hoped to find entertainment for his troops. It was impossible, how- ever, he added, to keep his men to their duty unless they were fed, and he must therefore request that rations might be provided for twenty-five thousand men. His soldiers, he went on to say, received but little pay, and were accustomed to commit great excesses. For this reason it would be well if the inhabitants were ordered to carry off" their property to the fortified towns in which they would be able to defend it. * Mansfeld's candid avowal was fully justified by the conduct of his men. As he passed the -border, they set fire to the town of Pfalzburg. Further on, his march was lighted by the flames of thirty blazing villages. Famine and desolation marked his track. From Lorraine his soldiers spread over the Bishoprics of Metz and Verdun ; and even Sedan, the little nook of land where Frederick was cowering under his uncle's protection, was not safe from their devastating tread. " We are here," wrote the Duke of Bouillon, " in the midst of an army, without arms, without leaders, without discipline, or fitness for war. Those who hold out their arms to these men, or attempt to ameliorate their condition, are treated worse than could be expected from the most exasperated enemy."t * Mansfeld to the Duke of Lorraine, July. S. P. Holland. t The Duke of BouiUon to Caileton (?), Aug. 15. ^'. P. Holland. Ferdinand's purpose. 225 Ferdinand's indignation, when he heard of this fresh Ch. IX. aggression, was unbounded. Now, at least, he WTote on I622. the 25th of July to the Infanta Isabella, there could no J'^b- longer be any doubt that the enemy was only talking naSsin- about a suspension of arms in order to gain time.* His clignation. own position was indeed a strong one. Frederick and Mansfeld had been doing his work only too surely. From every side despatches were pouring in, with acceptances of his invitation to the assembly at Eatisbon, which had now been postponed till the 21st of September.t At Augnst. this moment James's protest against the assembly reached JJ jam^g-^s him. He at once replied that he was not to blame. It was protest. Frederick who had caused the failm-e of the negotiations at Brussels. The basis of those negotiations had been the promise of the deprived Elector to make due submission to the Emperor, and yet he had plainly told the Land- grave of Darmstadt that he had no intention of doing anything of the kind. In the meantime the Empire had been exposed to spoil and pillage, and he had there- fore summoned the princes to consult for its safety. To James's request that he would order his troops to abstain from attacking the places in the Palatinate, he returned an evasive answer, referring him to the negotiators at Brussels. :j: In fact, Ferdinand had thoroughly made up his mind His inten- as to the course he would pursue. As soon as the assem- *^°^^" bly met, he would anncyimce the transference of the Electorate with every prospect of obtaining its assent. He would leave it to the princes to decide how the terri- tory was to be disposed of, and how the expenses of the war were to be paid. But he knew that he would have more chance of gaining his object, if the strong towns, which were garrisoned by the King of England's troops, were in his hands before the princes arrived at Eatisbon. On the 13th of August, therefore, two days after he had answered James's letter, he despatched a courier to Tilly, * Ferdinand II. to the Infanta Isabella, ^ ^ . Brussels MSS. Aug. 4 t October 1, N.S. X Ferdinand II. to the King, Aug. j^. Simon Digby to Calvert, Aug. 14- S. P. Germany. VOL. II. Q 226 WESTON DEMANDS AN ARMISTICE. August. "Weston's proposi- tion. ^^- ^-^- ordering liim to proceed at once to the siege of 1622. Heidelberg.* Whilst Ferdinand's messenger was speeding across Germany, Weston was doing his best at Brussels to separate the cause of Frederick from the cause of Mans- feld. On the 15th of August, he presented to the In- fanta's commissioners a proposition for setthng the points at issue. Let the towns in the Palatinate, he said, in effect, be allowed to remain in the position in which they are, and the King of England will engage to make war upon Mansfeld and Christian, if they should be so ill- advised as to return to that part of Germany ; and he will also promise that if, whenever the negotiations for peace are seriously taken in hand, those adventurers still refuse to submit to reasonable conditions, he will " declare himself their enemy, and jointly employ his forces against them, as against the perturbers of the common repose of Christendom."! Such a proposal could hardly be seriously entertained by the Infanta. The time had long passed since either Frederick's engagements to make peace, or James's engagements to make war, had been regarded as having any practical bearing upon the course of events. Eightly or wrongly, every Cathohc in Europe was fully persuaded that in Frederick's hands the strong places garrisoned by Vere would be a basis of operations for Mansfeld and his marauder^ and, whatever might be the ulterior designs cherished at Brussels and Vienna, there was no hesitation in the resolution formed to hinder him from again taking root in the Palatinate. Nor was there the slightest reason to suppose that Mansfeld was likely to be less dangerous than before. Even Weston acknowledged that it was certain that the adventurers had no intention of submitting to any terms whatever. They had begun, he said, by demanding un- reasonable conditions. They had sent him no powers Mansfeld's troops. 8 10 * Ferdinand 11. to Kh.evenhuUer, Aug. -- Onate to Philip IV., Aug. -. Simancas MSS. Simon Digby to Calvert, Aug. 14, 15, 22. S. P. Ger- many. t Weston's Proposition, Aug. 15. Weston's Report. Inner Temple MSS. Vol. 48. ilAXSFELD AT FLEURUS- 22/ to treat, and for some time had not even troubled them- ^^- l^- selves to answer his letters.* I622. In fact, it was no longer possible for them to remain _August. where they were. The Duke of Nevers, whilst pretending tempts to to negotiate with Mansfeld the terms upon which he ^^jj^j^ was to enter the French service, had rapidly collected a force strong enough to bar the road into France. An attempt to make a dash for the Lower Ehine, made early in August by Christian, had failed, not so much from the resistance offered by the Spanish Governor of Luxem- bm'g, as from the mutinous spii'it of his o^\ti men.t Under these cii'cumstances an offer which reached Mans- feld from the States-General was eagerly seized. Things had not been going well with the Eepublic since the reopening of the war. In the ^^dnter JuHers had surren- dered to the Spanish arms, and Spinola had now sat down before Bergen-op-Zoom, with every prospect of conducting the siege to a successful conclusion. In order to avert such a blow, the States offered to take Mansfeld into their ser^dce for three months. Mansfeld leapt at the offer. Leading his men by a Aug. 19. circuitous route, he hoped to slip unperceived across the pfeums^ Spanish Netherlands, and to join the Prince of Orange at Breda. But on the evening of the 18th of August he found that his way was barred by Cordova, whose forces had been recalled in hot haste from the Palatinate. At daybreak on the following morning, he prepared for action ; but scarcely was the word given when two of his regiments broke out into mutiny, shouting for monev. Of the troops which remained faithful, many had sold their anus for bread, and many had thi'own them dovm in sheer weariness. Yet, deficient as he was in those moral qualities, without which no man can conduct a campaign to a successfid issue, IMansfeld showed on this day that he was possessed in an eminent degi'ee of that dogged courage and cool presence of mind which befit a leader of banditti. Biding up to the mutineers, he ad- jured them, if they would not fight, at least to keep to- gether, so as to impose upon the enemy. Bcceiving a * Weston to Calvert, Aug. 15. jS'. P. FUmders. t Advertisement from Sedan. Aug. 8. ^. P. Holland. Q 2 228 WESTON S URGENCY. Ch. IX. 1622. August. Mansfeld at Breda. "Weston again asks for a sus- pension of arms. favourable reply, lie placed them in a body amidst a crowd of camp followers, so as to present the appearance of a formidable array. With the rest of his force he dashed at the Spaniards. Three times he was repulsed ; but at last Christian, with that impetuous bravery which has blinded half the world to his want of all other virtues, drove the enemy's cavalry before him in headlong rout. But in the midst of his charge, he received a wound in the arm, and his followers, when they saw him led away from the field, made their leader's misfor- tune an excuse for refusing to take any further part in the battle. The Spanish army was saved from almost certain annihilation. Mansfeld was able to pursue his march, and to join the Dutch camp at Breda.* The wound in Christian's arm was unskilfully tended, and he was forced to submit to amputation. He ordered the trumpets to be sounded whilst the operation was being performed. Not long afterwards he replaced the lost member with a substitute skilfully constructed of cork and silver. " The arm which is left," he boastfully declared, " shall give my enemies enough to do." His companions in arms were not yet ready to take the field. The starving wretches needed to be rearmed and reclothed before they could be made available against Spinola. But the garrison of Bergen would be likely to fight the more manfully, now that they knew that relief was at hand. The change of Mansfeld's quarters inspired Weston with renewed hopes. Now, at least, he urged, there should be no longer any difiiculty in granting the sus- pension of arms. Mansfeld and Christian had trans- ferred their services to the Dutch, and would no longer stand in the way of an accommodation. The siege of Heidelberg, he had heard, was again opened, and he therefore hoped that the Infanta would give orders for the suspension of hostilities. Yet, in spite of all that Weston could say, the Infanta knew that she Lad no * Theatrum Eurojpceum, i. S. P. Holland. 666. Carleton to Buckingham, Aug. 27. REJECTION OF THE ENGLISH DEMANDS. 229 power to agxee to a cessation of hostilities, in which ^°- IX. Mansfekl and Christian were not included. It was noto- 1^22, rious that the adventurers had only taken service with the ^^P*- States for tlu'ee months, and no one at Brussels doubted that they would return to ravage Germany in the winter. Weston was, therefore, obliged to content himself for the present with hearing that fresh letters would be sent to Tilly and the Archduke Leopold ; but he was plainly told that it was not likely that they would do any good.* Excepting in the garrisons on the left bank of the Ehine, there were no longer any Spanish troops in the Pala- tinate,"}" and there were therefore no forces in the army before Heidelberof under the immediate orders of the Infanta. At last, on the 8th of September, Weston received a The in- formal reply to his proposition. He was told that no- Santas thing could be done unless he could obtain an assurance from Mansfekl and Christian that they would not again attack the obedient princes of the Empire ; and that it was expected that they would also engage to abstain from assailing the territories of Spain. " Likewise," the Infanta proceeded, referring to the Flemish extraction of the adventurer, " seeing the same Mansfeld hath refused to accept the grace and pardon of his Majesty, whereby he might have turned to his royal service, and to his own natural obedience, and hath withal drawn from this city him whom he hath sent hither to treat on this his behalf ; seeing also how little he can hope for from the Hollanders, and how his pride will not let him remain in Holland, there being withal particular advertisements that his end and purpose is to trouble the affairs of Germany : — " Lastly, seeing the Duke Christian will take the same course, as he hath also expressly declared ; there is noue that seeth not clearly the truth of that which hath been said, and that it is now more necessary than ever to pro- vide for the general assurance." The Infanta ended by saying that, though she herself * Weston to Calvert, Sept. 3. S. P. Flanders. t The Iiifanta IsabeUa to Cordova, Aug. .^*. Harl MSS. 1581. fol. 177. 230 WESTON RECALLED. ^g- J^- saw no way out of the difficulty, she would gladly listen 1622. to anything that AVeston had to propose.* Man*sfeid's "^^ ^^^^ questiou thus put, Weston had very little to plans. reply. For he was perfectly aware that the adventurers really contemplated a return to Germany as soon as their eno-asement with the Dutch was at an end. " I must tell you,'' Mansfeld had written to him a fortnight before, " that you are labouring in vain. For you will never accomplish anything where you are. When those people get a thing between their teeth, they never let it go unless after the loss of a great battle. You ought, there- fore, to advise his Majesty to recall you ; for I see well enough that there is no remedy unless we begin the war in Germany afresh." t Weston's Wcstou was therefore obliged to content himself with to th^"^ reiterating his opinion, that Mansfeld had no longer any Infanta, councction witli Frederick, and with renewing his decla- ration that his master was ready to join the Emperor in opposing his designs. As for the demand that Mansfeld should be prevented from attacking Spain under the orders of the Prince of Orange, he could only say that the King of England was quite ready to mediate a treaty between Philip and the Dutch. J: Hisciis- Baffled and discontented, Weston had for some time tbn ^^'^' ^^611 earnestly pleading for his recall. His denunciations of the Infanta's perfidy were loud enough to please the stoutest Puritan in England. He had gone to Brussels under the impression that he had an easy task before him. ■ He had shared with so many of his countrymen the belief that Spain was everything and Germany was nothing ; and he could not conceive it to be possible that the destinies of the Empire were determined at Vienna rather than at Madrid. Weston's On the 15th, Weston had his last audience of the recall Infanta. He had orders, he said, to return home unless either the siege of Heidelberg were raised, or the sus- * Answer to Weston's ProiDosition, Sept. 8. Weston's Eeport, fol. 16. In7ier Te7n2)le MSS. Vol. 48. t Mansfeld to Weston, g^j-^- S. P. Germany. t Weston's Reply, Sept. 12, in Ms Report, fol. 19. Inner Temple MSS. Vol. 48. FAILURE OF THE CONFERENCE. 231 pension of arms granted. He was again made to under- ^^- ^^' stand that lie was asking for that which it was no longer 1622. in her power to accord. The King of England, the P^" Infanta said, " had deserved a crown of palm by his I royal carriage ;" and she would never cease to do all that she could to give him satisfaction.* And so, at last, this long negotiation was brought to ^^[^^*^^ an end. That the Infanta was earnestly desirous to gotiation. conduct it to a better termination cannot be doubted for an instant. As late as the 27th of August, she had written again to press the Emperor to abandon his design of transferring the Electorate. But James had never been sufficiently alive to the absolute importance of guaranteeing the Empire against anarchy. His own inability to provide pay for his son-in-law's army, Fre- derick's rash words at Darmstadt, and the ravages of Mansfeld, had by this time thoroughly confirmed Ferdi- nand's conviction that peace was only to be obtained by the establishment of the a1)solute supremacy of his own party in the Empire. To this conviction James had nothing to oppose. He had no watchword by which to rally the North German Protestants to his cause. He had no real power over his son-in-law's actions, stiU less over those of Mansfeld. All that he could do was to bluster about keeping Mansfeld quiet by force ; and when he found that no one would listen to his protestations, he had no other resource left but to call upon Spain to help him out of the mire into which he had so hopelessly plunged himself by his blunders. * Weston to Calvert, Sept. 16. S. P. Flanders. ^ Ch. X. 1622. August. English feelin2. Imprisou- ment of preachers. CHAPTER X. THE MISSION OF ENDYMION PORTER. The months during wliich the comedy was being pLayed out at Brussels had brought increasing exaspera- tion to the English people. Even if the whole truth had been laid before them, there would have been more than enough to cause the most serious disquietude in all with whom the interests of Protestantism were worth a mo- ment's consideration. For it was impossible to deny that, wherever the blame was to be laid, the very existence of Protestantism was seriously endangered over a large part of the Continent. But, in truth, the great mass of Englishmen knew very little of the real facts of the case. Of Frederick's helplessness and vacillation, of Mansfeld's atrocities, of the abominable anarchy which was certain to be the result of the victoiy of their allies, they were utterly and hopelessly ignorant. What they saw, was only a new phase of the eternal conflict between virtue and vice, between freedom and tyi'anny ; and, imperfect as this view of the case undoubtedly was, they were at least clear-sighted enough in marking the evil which had arisen from their Sovereign's faults. It was only in the pulpit that these feelings, freely expressed in private con- versation, could find vent in public, and it is no wonder that a man like James, in his dislike at the free lan- guage which was springing up around him, took refuge in sending the obnoxious preachers to prison. Dr. Eve- rard, who had been committed in the preceding year to the Gatehouse for al^using the Spaniards in a sermon, now found his way into the Marshalsea. Another preacher, Mr. Clayton, was sent to prison for reproducing Coke's scurrilous allusion to the introduction of the scab by sheep imported from Spain, and a thii"d, Dr. Sheldon, THEOLOGICAL POLEMICS IN EXGLAXD. 2'i3 was tlioiight lucky to have escaped with a reprimand for Cu.x. some harsh reflections upon the people who worshipped 1622. the beast and his image.* August. Nor was it only against abuse of Spain that James had Caivinists decided upon making war. He was now disquieted, as ^J^^g ""^' many wiser men than he have often been disquieted, by the bitterness of theological polemics. Ai'minianism, silenced in Holland, had taken firm root in England, and had been welcomed by those who were most under the influence of the reaction against Puritanism. Of neces- sity, the new views were received with deep distrust by all who attached value to the Calvinistic theology. In eveiy corner of the land, the pulpits rang ^ith decla- mations on predestination and the perseverance of the saints. Till lately, at least, James had regarded with favour the doctrine in which he had been educated. But he hated turmoil, and he thought, in spite of Barneveldt's example, that he might succeed in lapng the storm by directing Abbot to issue a few well-meant instructions to the preachers. From henceforth, no one under the degree Difec- of a bachelor of divinity was to " presume to preach in preachers. any popular auditory the deep points of predestination, election, reprobation, or of the universality, eflicacy, re- sistibility or irresistibility of God's gTace ; but leave those themes to be handled by learned men, and that mode- rately and modestly, by way of use and application rather than by way of positive doctrine, as being points fitter for the schools and universities than for simple audi- tories." I As mere ad\ace, no exception can be taken against Their such words as these. But, coming as they did, as an attempt to enforce silence on the great rehgious question of the day, they only served to embitter the quarrel which they were meant to calm. Left to itself, the tendency of the age was undoubtedly in favour of the Arminians. For whatever may be the theological or philosophical value of their opinions, they were * Chamberlain to Carleton, Aus;. 10. S. F. Dom. cxxxii. 91. !Mead to Stuteville, Sept. 14. Had. iV^'^S. "389, fol. 228. t Hacket, 89. The King to Abbot, Aug, 4, Abbot to the Bishops, Auir. 12, Sept. 4. Wilkins's Concilin. iv 4(MS 234 THE SPIRIT OF TOLERATION. ^^- ^- doing the same work in the domain of thought which 1622. Digby mth his doctrine of territorial sovereignty was August, doing in the domain of practical politics. They were finding a middle com-se, which might put an end to that violent opposition which existed between the contending churches. It was to the decrease of theological virulence that they owed their existence as a school of thinkers. It was to their habits and modes of thought that the growth of a spirit of toleration would be mainly due. The greatest service that could be done to them was to allow them to mn their way by argument. The greatest injury that could be done to them was to enable them to silence their adversaries by force. Men who could preach about nothing but predestination, and who could use no language better than coarse invective, were no doubt a great pest to the community. But, after all, liberty of thought is better in the end than correctness of reasoning, or moderation of expression, and it is im- possible for any one external to the modes of a preacher's thoughts to judge of the intimate connection which exists in his mind between the abstract doctrines which he professes and the practical lessons which he desires to enforce. The great battle of the sixteenth century had been waged between Catholicism and Protestantism. The great battle of the seventeenth century, as yet felt rather than understood, was to be waged on behalf of mental and personal liberty. It was the great misfortune of James's character, that, whilst both in his domestic and foreign policy he was far in advance of his age in his desire to put a final end to religious strife, he was utterly unfit to judge what were the proper measures to be taken for the attainment of his object. And unfortu- nately it lay in his power to a great extent to decide whether the Arminians should range themselves, on the whole, on the side of the advancing or of the retrograde party amongst their countrymen. Laud, disputing with a Jesuit or a Calvinist, was a true Protestant, a genuine successor, according to the altered conditions of the age, of Luther and of Knox. Laud, entrusted with power to silence his opponents, to forbid the study of books which he considered objectionable, and to restrain the preaching ITS GROWTH RETARDED BY JAMES. 235 of sermons wliicli lie held to be misdiievous, would be upon the side of the Jesuits and the Pope. It was thus that James succeeded as^ainst his will in givmg new life to Puritanism. In\'igorated by the restraints under which he placed it, it rose up once more vrith. giant strength to suffer and to dare in the name of law and of religion. It gained the alliance of many a man who had no s}Tiipathy with the narrowness of its tenets, but who felt in the lofty and noble spirit by which it was pervaded, the strength which would enable him to shake off the weight which pressed so hea\aly upon the energies of the nation. For little as the English people knew of what was passing at Eome and at Macbid, they were well aware that James had lowered the dignity of the English crown till the laws of England had been made a subject of treaty with foreign statesmen and foreign priests. He had been guilty in the eyes of his contemporaries of sacrificing the national independence, the great cause of which Henry VIII. and Elizabeth had been the champions. He is guilty in the eyes of posterity, of defiling the sacred cause of religious liberty by making bargains over it for Spanish gold and Spanish aid. Even now an act, with which in itself no one can possibly find fault, had been contaminated by the mode in which it was accom- plished. Writs were issued in August to set free from prison crowds of Catholics who were suffering for their religion.* In defence of the act thus done, Williams was able to produce the most admirable arguments, and to plead the A\4sdom of showing mercy to the Catholics, at a time when the King was demanding mercy to the Protestants abroad.t But all such arouments fell fiat on the world, for men* knew that the prisoners owed their release to Gondomar's intercession, J and that it was likely to be a prelude to a long series of favours to be granted to Spain. Never, wrote the A^enetian ambassador about this time, was the Catholic religion Ch. X. 1622. New in- vigoratiou of Puri- tanism. Release of the Catholic prisoners. * Williams to the .Judges, Aug. 2. S. P. Dom. cxxxii. 84. t Williams to Aimaii.' Cabala, 269. X Ciriza to Aston, ~4'- ^- P- -S?""^- 236 RETUEN OF GAGE TO ENGLAND. Ch. X. 1622. August. Liberation of Coke, Phelips, and Mal- lory. Punish- ment of Bennett. Aug. 25. Arrival of Gage. more freely exercised in England. But the Spaniards were not content. They wanted to have ever}^hing or nothing.* Nor did James gain any fresh popularity by giving directions, within a week after the Catholics had been set free, for the liberation of Coke, Phelips, and Mallory from the Tower, on condition that they, like Pym, would place themselves under restraint not to travel more than a limited distance from their own houses in the country. "j" The measm^e was in all probability dictated by a desire to be prepared to meet a Parliament, if the negotiations at Brussels should prove abortive. But in Coke's case, at least, nothing that now could be done was likely to soothe his exasperation. For an unwise attempt to prosecute him in the Court of Wards upon some private offence which he was supposed to have committed had broken down completely, and he had been declared innocent by the unanimous decision of all the judges to whom the legal question involved in the case had been referred.;): Nor in the existing state of popular feeling, did it avail the goverument much, that Sir John Bennett, who had escaped punishment through the dissolution of Parliament, was now prosecuted in the Star-Chamber for the faults which had brought an impeachment upon him, and was, before the year ended, condemned to a fine of 20,000/., to imprisonment during pleasure, and to perpetual disability from office. § All through August, the news from Brussels had been growing worse and worse. At last, when the confusion was at its height, James was startled by the unexpected arrival of Gage, the Englishman who had been commis- sioned to watch the course of the marriage negotiations at Eome, and who had now come to announce that if the Pope was to be satisfied, new and unheard of concessions must be made. 11 * Valaresso to the Doge, Aug. - . Venice MSS. Desp. Iiigh. t Privy Council Register, Aug. 6. J Chanibeiiain to Carleton, July 13. S. P. Dom. cxxxii. 38. § Chamberlain to Carleton, July 1. Locke to Carleton, Nov. 30. S. P. Vom. cxxxii. 1 ; cxxxiv. 39. II Valaresso to the Doge, Aug. -. Venice MSS. Desp. Ingh. HIS N'EGOTIATIONS AT EOME. 237 It was now about a year since, on the lltli of August, ^^- ^- 1621, a congregation of four cardinals had been formed i62i. for the purpose of examining the articles of the marriage ^"s^^t. treaty. They were not long in coming to the conclusiou dinais^and that the articles were altogether insufficient Care had *^- n^^i"- been taken for the religion of the Infanta and her house- tiSty. hold, but nothing was said about the general body of Eng-hsh Catholics. Unless somethinor were done for them, it would be the duty of the Pope to refuse the dispensa- tion. The vague promises which James had given in the preceding year, were flouted as utterly insufficient. The cardinals had set their hearts upon the conversion of England, and it was certain that the conversion of England would never be effected by a mere promise that the Catholic missionaries should for the future escape the scaffold, and that the penal laws should be executed w4th October, moderation. Before the end of October, therefore, they liad decided that nothing short of complete liberty of worship would suffice, and that for this they must have some stronger guarantee than the mere word of the King of Eno-land. Before the end of the year, however, the cardinals Eesoiutioa discovered that their course was not so easy as they had Ga^e"to supposed. The news which reached them of the fii'st England, proceedings in the House of Commons after the adjom-n- ment, was not favourable to the supposition that the changes which they contemplated could be accomplished without opposition. It was not till they heard of the dissolution of the Parliament, of the quarrel w^th the Dutch Commissioners, and of the imprisonment of the Earl of Oxford, that they finally made uj) their minds to send Gage back to England, with orders to lay the Pope's decision before the King. Accordingly, on the 4th of July, Gage was summoned ipstnic- before the congregation to receive his instnictions. The to'^hi™!^''^ King of England, said Cardinal Bandino, in the name of the others who were present, had read many Catholic books, and he had no doubt discovered that it was impossible for the Pope to grant a dispensation in such a case as this without the hope of some great public good. As, however, nothing of the kind was to he found in the 238 PROJECTS OF THE CARDINALS. Ch. X. articles wliicli liad been sent from Spain, they had 1622. determined to ask for a general liberty of worship in all J^iy- his kingdoms, and for a satisfactory guarantee of its maintenance. They had been informed, that it would be better that this change should proceed from a volun- tary act of the King himself, and they therefore hoped that he would inform them what he was willing to do for his Catholic subjects. The Cardinal then proceeded to touch upon a still more delicate subject. It was utterly impossible, he said, to imagine, that one so versed as the King was in controversial theology could be ignorant that the holy and apostolic Eoman faith was the only true and ancient faith in which men could be saved. If, therefore, he did not openly profess his belief, it could only be from a fear of incurring disgrace by changing a religion which he had professed so many years, or from a dread of the personal consequences to himself. As for the first, he should remember that Henry IV. had gained honour by his conversion ; and, as to the second, he need not be afraid. God would certainly protect him. Half his subjects, and the majority of his nobility, were Catholics abeady, and, if more were needed, the forces of the King of Spain, and of all Cathohc princes, would be at his service. The Roman see would be ready to load him with honours. If he chose to pay a visit to Rome, a legate should be sent to meet him in Flanders, and the Pope himself would go as far as Bologna to welcome him. But if he could not make up his mind to his own conversion, let the Prince of Wales be encouraged to take the step from which his father shrunk.* i4^S*^°" The articles, as they were returned to Gage, contained articles. Several important alterations. AU the Infanta's servants were of necessity to be Catholics. Her Church was to be open to aU who chose to enter, and not merely to her household. The priests were to be under the control of a bishop, and were to be freed from subjection to all laws excepting those which were imposed by their ecclesiastical superiors. The Infanta must have the education of her children ; of the girls, till the age of twelve, of the boys, till the ao-e of fourteen. o * Francisco de Jesus, 33 — 40. AuErust. ion JAMES S CONCESSIONS. 239 The cardinals had, at least, done James one service by C!h. X. this plain spoken declaration. He could no longer be in I622 any doubt as to the views with which the marriage was ^^^^: regarded at Kome. In truth there was something very of^Gage similar in the attitude taken by the Pope and that taken by the Emperor, on the two great questions of the clay. Both Gregory and Ferdinand had definite objects, and from them neither friend nor enemy would have mu